English

 

Here an interview of General Wesley Clark, ex. Commander of the U.S. Army and NATO. It shows you exactly how they operate: "...I just got this memo from the [U.S.] Secretary of Defense ... this is the memo that describes how we´re gonna take out seven countries in five years"! In 2001 they had a plan ready to go to war with Syria!

 

 

NATO is the military alliance binding Europe to US foreign policy, a foreign policy post-Iraq increasingly unpopular around the world. It is also the military alliance currently occupying Afghanistan.

War is the enemy of the poor. The world's 85 richest people have as much as poorest 3.5 billion. The annual sum needed to end world hunger is billion while the US Military's budget is 0 billion per year.

Money into war is money out of our communities. In the UK, 500,000 people had to resort to food banks last year. While public services are slashed, one day of war in Afghanistan could fund 100,000 nurses.”

 

“Many of us are increasingly worried by the threat that NATO poses to world stability and peaceful relations. Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has reinvented itself supposedly as a tool of the ‘international community’ to safeguard ‘freedom and security’,”

“In reality it is a vehicle for US-led use of force in the interests of the rich and powerful, accelerating militarization, bypassing the United Nations and the system of international law, and escalating spending on arms.”

 

“NATO has carried out wars and aerial bombardments in Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya as a means of carrying out regime change,but now all of them are experiencing chaos to varying degrees.“

 

Protesters “associate NATO in their words with imperialism, warring, global in equality and austerity,"

 

"Nuclear NATO - no, thanks!"

 

Gladio Troops

 

Gladio Troops are NATO's (not-anymore-so) secret terrorist group. 1990 the European Parliament sharply condemned NATO and the United States in a resolution for having manipulated European politics with the stay-behind armies.

 

Depleted uranium

NATO uses Depleted Uranium in it's ammunition

 

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Depleted_uranium

http://rt.com/usa/nato-depleted-uranium-libya/

http://www.globalresearch.ca/depleted-uranium-radiation-resulting-from-nato-bombings-in-serbia-high-incidence-of-cancer/18432

http://www.iacenter.org/depleted/un_du.htm

http://www.stopnato.org.uk/du-watch/

 

911

If elements from the U.S. government are capable of participating in a terrorist attack of this magnitude, imagine what they are capable of. What´s next? Here their plan, documented.

In this video an ex-police officer and a retired fireman tells what he and his fellow firemen saw on September 11 2001:

http://www.ae911truth.org/

 

Aggressive Tax Planning

 

Companies plan their taxes so they don't have to pay any. The money saved ends up to tax havens and is then loaned to governments struggling because of falling economies (they are not receiving money from taxes) and to finance morally and ethically questionable projects.

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d4o13isDdfY

 

Bilderberg-Group

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bilderberg_Group

 

Al-Qaeda and The ISIS

Robert Cook, Lord President of the Council, Leader of the House of Commons, and UK Foreign Secretary from 1997 to 2001, wrote in The Guardian in 2005: " Al-Qaeda, literally "the database", was originally the computer file of the thousands of mujahideen who were recruited and trained with help from the CIA to defeat the Russians[ in Afganistan]". Irak's Al-Qaeda became later ISIS.

The Imperial Anatomy of Al-Qaeda. The CIA’s Drug-Running Terrorists and the “Arc of Crisis”

 

A Few Notes on NATO

"The North Atlantic Treaty Organisation was formed on 4th April 1949: it had nothing to do with resisting ‘Soviet aggression’ since the Warsaw Pact was not founded until 1954, a full five years after the creation of NATO. From its inception NATO claimed, and has always claimed, to be defending democracy: that is a cynical lie. NATO had nothing to do with defending democracy, as a quick glance at some of its founding members reveals. In April 1949:
Belgium ran a brutal colonial empire in Rwanda, Burundi and especially Congo. It waged a violent, repressive campaign against those fighting for national independence in Congo and, along with the United States, was involved in the murder of Patrice Lumumba, the first democratically elected Prime Minister of the newly independent Congo, installing the dictatorship of Joseph Mobutu;
France was fighting a colonial war in Vietnam and within five years would be launching a full-scale, utterly brutal war in Algeria;
Italy’s membership of NATO was the result of bribery and threats. Italy had been bullied into accepting a right-wing Christian Democratic government by a combination of the Vatican and United States. Anyone voting for the Italian Socialist Party and Communist Party coalition was threatened with excommunication from every pulpit in Italy. The US threatened to withhold Marshall Aid from Italy if the left-wing coalition won the elections. Italian-American singers and film stars such as Frank Sinatra were used to reinforce the message. And if any Italians were still too stupid to understand what the US wanted American warships patrolled off the Italian coast. Meanwhile Christian Democracy embarked on its long-term love affair with the Mafia – brought back as an anti-Socialist/Communist force by the United States . A year after the founding of NATO a May Day march in Sicily was fired upon by Mafiosi, with many deaths;
At the time of the founding of NATO the government of the Netherlands was still trying to suppress the independence movement in Indonesia in a bloody war that claimed countless lives; freedom for the people of Indonesia, the biggest Muslim country in the world, was clearly not of any concern to the founders of NATO;
Portugal provides the clearest proof that NATO’s claims to be defending democracy are nothing more than cynical lies. In 1949 Portugal was still run by the fascist dictatorship of Salazar, a dictatorship that would stay in place until the Carnation Revolution of 1974. Portuguese governments waged extremely brutal wars in Angola, Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau to try to prevent independence: all with NATO weapons and support from NATO member states;
The UK military fought wars against liberation movements in Vietnam and Indonesia immediately after the end of the 2nd world war, before handing responsibility back to French and Dutch armies respectively. Britain opposed liberation movements in Greece, Malaya & Kenya and helped the US overthrow the democratically elected government of Iran in 1953. Further imperialist adventures took place in Korea, Aden, Ireland right up to the current wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya etc;
The list of anti-democratic crimes of the government and military of the United States is virtually endless. The threats against Italy in the post 2nd world war period were followed by support for the right-wing forces in Greece (taking over from Britain’s Labour government) and war in Korea – followed by wars in Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. Overthrow of democratically elected governments took place in Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954), Congo (1961), Chile (1973) as well as in countless Latin American states, Thailand, Iraq (bringing Saddam Hussein to power) etc. The US supported the most vicious right-wing dictatorships – Mobutu in the Congo, Somoza in Nicaragua, Pinochet in Chile, Marcos in the Philippines and many others. The claim that the US supports democracy is one of the most blatant lies of all time.
Of the remaining founder members of NATO:
Canada oppressed the First Peoples while the French speaking population was discriminated against:
Denmark committed the Faroe Islands and Greenland to NATO – though the views of their populations were never sought:
Iceland was the only member that didn’t have an army – though its coastguard was militarised. It mainly served as a US air base:
Luxembourg is clearly too small in both territory and population to have any independent role in NATO;
Norway was also too small in terms of population and economically poor - (before the discovery of oil Norway was one of the poorest countries in Europe) - to be able to play any significant role
So of the 12 founding members of NATO:
6 (Belgium, France, Netherlands, Portugal, UK and US) were involved in imperialist wars against national liberation movements at the time of NATO’s founding;
1 (Portugal) was a fascist dictatorship;
1 (Italy) had a government forced upon it by military and economic threats by the United States, a government that was soon hand in hand with the Mafia (which the US had also foisted on the people of Italy, particularly Sicily);
3 (Iceland, Luxembourg and Norway) were relatively blameless – though they failed to speak out against the colonial wars, support for right wing dictatorships etc – as well as Norway’s appalling record in killing whales;
All 12 oppressed national minorities within their states.
Within three years 2 more repressive regimes (Greece and Turkey) had been admitted to NATO and in 1954 the German Federal Republic was admitted. It was the admission of West Germany (and the refusal of NATO membership to the USSR) that led, at least partly, to the formation of the Warsaw Pact.
There was also serious discussion in NATO circles in the 1950s about admitting Spain – Spain run by fascist dictator Franco. Although Spain was not admitted until 1982 the fact that senior figures in NATO could seriously consider admitting Franco’s Spain shows they had no commitment to democracy whatsoever."

 

 

 

Jesse Ventura: 63 documents the government doesn't want you to read

 

The official spin on numerous government programs is flat-out bullsh*t, according to Jesse Ventura. In this incredible collection of actual government documents, Jesse Ventura, the ultimate non-partisan truth-seeker, proves it beyond any doubt. He and Dick Russell walk readers through sixty-three of the most incriminating programs to reveal what really happens behind the closed doors. Witness as he breaks open the vault, revealing the truth: 

-The CIA’s top-secret program to control human behavior, 

-Operation Northwoods—the military plan to hijack airplanes and blame it on Cuban terrorists

-Potentially deadly healthcare cover-ups, including a dengue fever outbreak

-What the Department of Defense knows about our food supply—but is keeping mum yy Homeland Security’s “emergency” detention camps

-Fake terrorist attacks planned by the United States

Although these documents are now in the public domain, the powers that be would just as soon they stay under wraps. Ventura’s research and commentary sheds new light on what they’re not telling you—and why it matters.

 

 

NATO's secret armies - Operation Gladio and terrorism in Western Europe By Daniele Ganser

 

CONTENTS

Foreword xi

Acknowledgements xiv

Acronyms xviii

Introduction 1

1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3

2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15

3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25

4 The secret war in Great Britain 38

5 The secret war in the United States 51

6 The secret war in Italy 63

7 The secret war in France 84

8 The secret war in Spain 103

9 The secret war in Portugal 114

10 The secret war in Belgium 125

11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148

12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165

ix

13 The secret war in Denmark 168

14 The secret war in Norway 176

15 The secret war in Germany 189

16 The secret war in Greece 212

17 The secret war in Turkey 224

Conclusion 245

Chronology

Notes

Select bibliography

Index

250

259

301

303

x

FOREWORD

At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston

Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the

Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along

this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers

created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that

expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet

Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers

of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull

apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus

qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics. Rather the point is that for many years

there was a certain expectation that greater numbers would prevail and the Soviets

might be capable of taking over all of Europe.

Planning for the day the Cold War turned hot, given the expected Soviet threat,

necessarily led to thoughts of how to counter a Russian military occupation of

Western Europe. That immediately suggested comparison with the Second World

War, when Resistance movements in many European countries had bedevilled

Nazi occupiers. In 1939-1945 the anti-Nazi Resistance forces had had to be

improvised. How much the better, reasoned the planners, if the entire enterprise

could be prepared and equipped in advance.

The executive agents in the creation of the stay-behind networks were

the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the United States and the Secret

Intelligence Service (SIS or MI6) of the United Kingdom. Other major actors

included security services in a number of European countries. In all cases identical

techniques were used. The intelligence services made an effort to establish

distinct networks for spying on the occupiers, that is espionage, and for sabotage,

or subverting an enemy occupation. To establish the networks the CIA and others

recruited individuals willing to participate in these dangerous activities, often

allowing such initial, or chief, agents to recruit additional sub-agents. Intelligence

services provided some training, placed caches of arms, ammunition, radio

equipment, and other items for their networks, and set up regular channels for

contact. The degree of cooperation in some cases ranged up to the conduct of

exercises with military units or paramilitary forces. The number of recruits for the

xi

secret armies ranged from dozens in some nations to hundreds or even thousands

in others.

The Resistance example was always an obvious one. Observers of the secret

Cold War assumed the existence of the networks; so there are occasional

references to the stay-behind networks in spy memoirs and literature. But by and

large the subject was acknowledged with a wink and a nod. Until almost the end

of the Cold War. In the summer of 1990, after the collapse of Soviet-dominated

regimes in Eastern Europe, but prior to the final disintegration of the Soviet Union,

the Italian government made public the existence of such a network in that

country. Over the years since there has been a recurrent stream of revelations

regarding similar networks in many European nations, and in a number of countries

there have been official investigations.

For the first time in this book, Daniele Ganser has brought together the full

story of the networks the Italians came to call 'Gladio'. This is a significant and

disturbing history. The notion of the project in the intelligence services undoubtedly

began as an effort to create forces that would remain quiescent until war brought

them into play. Instead, in country after country we find the same groups of

individuals or cells originally activated for the wartime function beginning to

exercise their strength in peacetime political processes. Sometimes these efforts

involved violence, even terrorism, and sometimes the terrorists made use of the

very equipment furnished to them for their Cold War function. Even worse,

police and security services in a number of cases chose to protect the perpetrators

of crimes to preserve their Cold War capabilities. These latter actions resulted in the

effective suppression of knowledge of Gladio networks long after their activities

became not merely counterproductive but dangerous.

Mining evidence from parliamentary inquiries, investigative accounts,

documentary sources, trials, and individuals he has interviewed, Ganser tracks

the revelation of Gladio in many countries and fills in the record of what these

networks actually did. Many of their accomplishments were in fact antidemocratic,

undermining the very fabric of the societies they were meant to protect. Moreover, by

laying the records in different nations side by side, Ganser's research shows a

common process at work. That is, networks created to be quiescent became activists

in political causes as a rule and not as an exception.

Deep as Dr Ganser's research has been, there is a side to the Gladio story he

cannot yet reveal. This relates to the purposeful actions of the CIA, MI6 and

other intelligence services. Because of the secrecy of government records in the

United States, for example, it is still not possible to sketch in detail the CIA's orders

to its networks, which could show whether there was a deliberate effort to interfere

with political processes in the countries where Gladio networks were active. There

were real efforts carried out by Gladio agents but their controllers' orders remain in

the shadows, so it is not yet possible to establish the extent of the US role overall in the

years of the Cold War. The same is true of MI6 for Great Britain and for security

services elsewhere. At a minimum Dr Ganser's record shows that capabilities

created for straightforward purposes as part of the Cold War ultimately turned to

xii

more sinister ends. Freedom of Information in the United States provides an avenue

to open up government documents; but that process is exceedingly slow and

subject to many exemptions, one of which is intended precisely to shield records

on activities of this type. The United Kingdom has a rule that releases documents

after a certain number of years, but there is a longer interval required for

documents of this type, and exceptions are permitted to government when documents

are finally released to the public. The information superhighway is barely a

macadam path when it comes to throwing light on the truth of the Gladio networks.

In this age of global concern with terrorism it is especially upsetting to discover

that Western Europe and the United States collaborated in creating networks that

took up terrorism. In the United States such nations are called 'state sponsors' and are

the object of hostility and sanction. Can it be the United States itself, Britain,

France, Italy, and others who should be on the list of state sponsors? The Gladio story

needs to be told completely so as to establish the truth in this matter. Daniele

Ganser has taken the critical first step down this road. This book should be read to

discover the overall contours of Gladio and to begin to appreciate the importance of

the final answers that are still lacking.

John Prados

Washington, DC

xiii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

When looking for a PhD research topic in early 1998, I became interested in

the Gladio phenomenon, of which I had not previously heard. After some

research I realised that despite its great importance for the most recent political,

social and military history of Western Europe and the United States, only very

limited work had been carried out on the phenomenon of the secret NATO

armies, with no single study on the topic available in English. As the complex

structure of the network and the mysteries surrounding it increasingly caught my

interest, many well-meaning friends advised me against taking it as a PhD topic.

Very sensibly they argued that I would gain access neither to the archives of the

secret services, nor to primary data on the topic from NATO and its Office of

Security. Furthermore they predicted that the number of countries, which by the

end of my research had unexpectedly risen to fourteen, as well as the time frame

I intended to investigate in each of these countries, five decades, not only would

wear me out, but would also necessarily leave my findings fragmented and

incomplete. That in addition to these problems I would have to work with texts

in more than ten different European languages, of which I personally could

only read five, made matters crystal clear: Gladio was not a suitable PhD research

topic.

With great fascination for the phenomenon, a certain degree of youthful

stubbornness, and above all a supportive environment I nevertheless embarked upon

the research project and dedicated the next four years of my life to the investigation.

At the time my determination to proceed, and my ability to convince my advising

professors, was based on one single original document from the Italian military

secret service SIFAR, dated June 1, 1959 and entitled 'The special forces of SIFAR

and Operation Gladio'. This document proved that a CIA- and NATO-linked

secret army code-named Gladio had existed in Italy during the Cold War, yet further

original documents were very hard to come by. In retrospect I therefore have to

admit that my well-meaning friends had been right. For among the numerous

obstacles that arose during the years of research many were the ones predicted.

First of all, the field of research was indeed large, both as to the number of

countries, and to the time frame. I started with a focus on Italy, where operation

xiv

Gladio was exposed in 1990. Based on the Italian sources I quickly realised,

however, that the so-called stay-behind armies had existed in all 16 NATO countries

during the Cold War. Further research led me to conclude that of the 16

NATO countries both Iceland, with no armed forces, and Canada, far removed

from the Soviet frontier, could be neglected. Yet, while I was somewhat relieved

to calculate that this would leave me wi t h the analysis of stay-behind armies

in 14 countries, I found with a certain surprise that secret stay-behind armies with

indirect links to NATO had also existed in the four neutral countries, Sweden,

Finland, Austria and my native Switzerland, during the Cold War. In this book

I am presenting the data for the NATO countries only. A forthcoming publication

will deal specifically with the equally sensitive issues of secret NATO-linked

stay-behind armies in the neutral countries.

Next to the challenges that arise with respect to the number of countries, gathering

data for each single country too proved difficult. It was most distressing

that governments, NATO and secret services withheld requested documents

despite a FOIA request to the CIA, numerous letters to NATO, and official

requests to European governments. Next to only a very small number of primary

documents, the analysis had therefore to be based on numerous secondary sources,

including parliamentary reports, testimonies of persons involved as reported by

the international press, articles, books and documentaries, needless to say, such

secondary sources can never be a substitute for the original primary documents,

and all future research must clearly aim for access to primary documents.

If, however, the data presented hereafter first of all enables researchers to gain an

overview of a phenomenon which otherwise might have remained inaccessible,

and in the second place enables processes which in the future will lead to access

to primary documents, then the main purposes of this book will have been

achieved.

That despite the mentioned numerous obstacles, the years of intensive research

have led to a hopefully valuable international analysis of the stay-behind armies

and the secret war in Western Europe is to a large degree attributable to the

international professional help and support that I was allowed to enjoy. First of

all I want to thank my two academic advisers for their truly valuable assistance,

Professor Georg Kreis of Basel University, and Professor Jussi Hanhimaki of the

Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva, formerly with the London

School of Economics and Political Science where we met in a most stimulating

environment. Their feedback on numerous drafts sharpened my questions when

they were too vague. Their frank criticism helped me to focus on the secret armies

when I was drifting away. And their experience in the field of academic research

restrained my judgement, and opened the way for a balanced understanding.

When I presented my Gladio research and passed my final PhD exams in September

2001, we all felt that it was a timely book, for in that month, investigations into

international terrorism had become a high priority on the agenda. During the

subsequent years we have in a very strange way become accustomed to living in

a world that suffers from both war and terrorism, and my warm thanks therefore

xv

also go to Professor Andreas Wenger, Director of the Center for Security Studies

in Zurich, for his support for future research into Gladio and terrorism here at the

institute.

Furthermore my gratitude goes to Washington-based CIA author William

Blum who first drew my attention to Gladio and taught me a lot on covert action and

secret warfare. Very warm thanks also go to Professor Noam Chomsky in Boston

who not only encouraged my research, but also provided me with valuable contacts

during our meetings in the United States and in Switzerland. In Cambridge,

Professor Christopher Andrew supported my research, while in Washington,

Professor Christopher Simpson drew my attention to interesting contacts in the

United States. In Austria, Professor Siegfried Beer provided me with valuable

data and kindly encouraged my research. In London, finally, I copied numerous

valuable documents at the Statewatch institute, where Trevor Hemmings proved

to me how excellent work can be done with little money.

It must be stated here at the outset of the book that all quotes other than from

English originals are translations by the author, who alone bears responsibility

for their accuracy. At the same time it goes without saying that the numerous

countries could not have been investigated without the help of my international

network, which assisted me both in the initial phase of locating and getting hold

of the documents, and during subsequent translation hours. In Germany I want to

thank journalist and Gladio author Leo Miiller, as well as Erich Schmidt

Eenboom from the research institute on peace and politics. In the Netherlands,

Dr Paul Koedijk and Dr Cees Wiebes, as well as Frans Kluiters, all members of

the Netherlands Intelligence Studies Association, kindly shared with me valuable

Gladio material and interesting days in Amsterdam, while academic Micha de

Roo assisted me with the Dutch translations. In Denmark, I want to thank Professor

Paul Villaume of Copenhagen University who shared interesting data with me,

and Eva Ellenberger of Basel University who helped me to understand the Danish

texts. In Norway, I want to thank my friend Pal Johansen for our excellent time at

the London School of Economics and Political Science and his professional help

in crucial times when it came to the translation of Norwegian texts. In Austria,

journalist Markus Kemmerling and the Zoom political magazine supported my

research. In Basel, Ali Burhan Kirmizitas helped me greatly with the translation

of Turkish texts and provided me with important documents on Gladio in Turkey.

Academic Ivo Cunha kindly shared with me data on Gladio in Portugal and in

Spain, while my university friends Baptiste Blanch and Francisco Bouzas

assisted me with the Portuguese and Spanish translations. My friend and fellow

academic Martin Kamber finally had the energy to plough through an early PhD

manuscript of over a thousand pages, whereupon he wisely let me know that the

text had to be shortened. Thanks to Ruth Eymann I was able to retreat to a both

beautiful and silent chalet in a remote valley of the Swiss mountains to carry out

that task.

After the PhD thesis had been accepted insigni cum laude at the history department

of Basel University in Switzerland, Prank Cass and Andrew Humphrys of

XVI

Taylor and Francis, UK, and Kalpalathika Rajan of Integra Software Services,

India, helped me greatly to make my research publicly accessible on the global

book market. Last but not least, complete research independence was guaranteed

by the generous financial support of The Swiss National Science Foundation, the

Janggen-Pohn Stiftung in St Gallen, the Max Geldner Stiftung in Basel, and the

Frewillige Akademische Gesellschaft in Basel. Special thanks go to my mother,

my father and my sister, to Sherpa Hanggi, Marcel Schwendener, Tobi Poitmann,

Dane Aebischer, Rene Ab Egg, Laurenz Bolliger, Philipp Schweighauser, Niko

Bally, Yves Pierre Wirz and Andi Langlotz for numerous inspiring and controversial

late-night discussions on international politics, global trends and problems,

and our personal quest for happiness and meaning in life.

Daniele Ganser

Sils Maria, Switzerland

xvii

 

ACRONYMS

ACC Allied Clandestine Committee

AN Avanguardia Nazionale

AP Aginter-Press

BCRA Bureau Central de Renseignement et d'Action

BDJ Bund Deutscher Jugend

BfV Bundesamt fur Verfassungsschutz

BI Bureau Inlichtingen

BND Bundesnachrichtendienst

BUPO Bundespolizei

BVD Binnenlandse Veiligheidsdienst

CAG Centro Addestramento Guastatori

CCC Cellules Communistes Combattantes

CCUO Comite Clandestin Union Occidentale

CERP Centre d'Entrainement des Reserves Parachutistes

CESID Centro Superior de Informacion de la Defensa

CGT Confederation Generate du Travail

CIA Central Intelligence Agency

CIC Counter Intelligence Corps

CIG Central Intelligence Group

COI Coordinator of Strategic Information

COS CIA Chief of Station

CPC Clandestine Planning Committee

DCI Democrazia Christiana Italiana

DCI Director of Central Intelligence

DDO CIA Deputy Director of Operations

DDP CIA Deputy Director of Plans

DGER Direction Generale des Etudes et Recherches

DGS Direction General De Seguridad

DGSE Direction Generale de la Securite Exterieure

DIA Defence Intelligence Agency

DO CIA Directorate of Operations

DP CIA Directorate of Plans

XVIII

DST Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire

ETA Euskadi Ta Askatasuna

FBI Federal Bureau of Investigation

FDP Fronte Democratico Popolare

FHO Fremde Heere Ost

FE Forsvarets Efterretningstjeneste

FJ Front de la Jeunesse

FM Field Manual

GESTAPO Geheime Staatspolizei

IDB Inlichtingendienst Buitenland

ISI Inter Services Intelligence

I&O Intelligence en Operations

JCS Joint Chiefs of Staff

KGB Committee of the Security of the State

KKE Greek Communist Party

KPD Kommunistische Partei Deutschland

LOK Lochos Oreinon Katadromon

MfS Ministerium fur Staatssicherheit, short Stasi

MHP Millietici Hareket Partisi

MI5 Security Service

MI6 Secret Intelligence Service (SIS)

MIT Milli Istihbaarat Teskilati

MRP Mouvement Republicain Populaire

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization

NIS Norwegian Intelligence Service

NOS NATO Office of Security

NSA National Security Agency

NSC National Security Council

NSDAP Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, short Nazi

OACI Organisation Armee contre le Communisme International

OAS Organisation de 1'Armee Secrete

OeWSGV Oesterreichischer Wander- Sport- und Geselligkeitsverein

OG Organisation Gehlen

OHP Ozel Harp Dairesi

OKK Ozel Kuvvetler Komutanligi

OMPAM Organizzazione Mondial del Pensiero e dell' Assistenza Massonica

ON Ordine Nuovo

OPC CIA Office of Policy Coordination

OSP Office of Special Projects

OSS Office of Strategic Services

P-26 Projekt 26

P-27 Projekt 27

P2 Propaganda Due

PCF Parti Communiste Francais

xix

PCI Partito Communisto Italiano

PIDE Policia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado

PKK Parlamentarische Kontrollkommission

PSI Partito Socialisto Italiano

RAF Rote Armee Fraktion

ROC Rocambole

RPF Rassemblement du Peuple Francais

S/B Stay-behind

SAC Service d'Action Civique

SACEUR Supreme Allied Commander Europe

SAD Sezione Addestramento Guastatori

SAS Special Air Service

SAZ Sectie Allgemene Zaken

SDECE Service de Documentation Exterieure et de Contre Espionnage

SDRA Service De Renseignements et d'Action

SECED Servicio Central de Documentacion de la Defensa

SEIN Servicio Informacion Naval

SGR Service General de Renseignement

SHAPE Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe

SID Servizio Informazioni Difesa

SIFAR Servizio di Informazioni delle Forze Annate

SIS Secret Intelligence Service (MI6)

SISDE Servizio Informazioni Sicurezza Democratica

SISMI Servizio Informazioni Sicurezza Militare

SOE Special Operations Executive

SPD Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschland

SPG Special Procedures Group

SS Schutzstaffel

TD Technischer Dienst

TMBB Tripartite Meeting Belgian/Brussels

UNA Untergruppe Nachrichtendienst und Abwehr

UNO United Nations Organisation

VALPO Valtion Poliisi

WACL World Anticommunist League

WNP Westland New Post

xx

INTRODUCTION

As the Cold War ended, following juridical investigations into mysterious

acts of terrorism in Italy, Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti was forced

to confirm in August 1990 that a secret army existed in Italy and other countries

across Western Europe that were part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization

(NATO). Coordinated by the unorthodox warfare section of NATO, the secret

army had been set up by the US secret service Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)

and the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6 or SIS) after the end of the

Second World War to fight Communism in Western Europe. The clandestine

network, which after the revelations of the Italian Prime Minister was researched

by judges, parliamentarians, academics and investigative journalists across

Europe, is now understood to have been code-named 'Gladio' (the sword) in Italy,

while in other countries the network operated under different names including

'Absalon' in Denmark, 'ROC' in Norway and 'SDRA8' in Belgium. In each country

the military secret service operated the anti-Communist army within the state in close

collaboration with the CIA or the MI6 unknown to parliaments and populations.

In each country, leading members of the executive, including Prime Ministers,

Presidents, Interior Ministers and Defence Ministers, were involved in the

conspiracy, while the 'Allied Clandestine Committee' (ACC), sometimes also

euphemistically called the 'Allied Co-ordination Committee' and the 'Clandestine

Planning Committee' (CPC), less conspicuously at times also called 'Coordination

and Planning Committee' of NATO's Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe

(SHAPE), coordinated the networks on the international level. The last confirmed

secret meeting of ACC with representatives of European secret services took

place on October 24, 1990 in Brussels.

As the details of the operation emerged, the press concluded that the 'story

seems straight from the pages of a political thriller'.1 The secret armies were

equipped by the CIA and the MI6 with machine guns, explosives, munitions and

high-tech communication equipment hidden in arms caches in forests, meadows

and underground bunkers across Western Europe. Leading officers of the secret

network trained together with the US Green Berets Special Forces in the United

States of America and the British SAS Special Forces in England. Recruited

among strictly anti-Communist segments of the society the secret Gladio soldiers

1

included moderate conservatives as well as right-wing extremists such as notorious

right-wing terrorists Stefano delle Chiale and Yves Guerain Serac. In its strategic

design the secret army was a direct copy of the British Special Operations Executive

(SOE), which during the Second World War had pararachuted into enemy-held

territory and fought a secret war behind enemy lines.

In case of a Soviet invasion of Western Europe the secret Gladio soldiers under

NATO command would have formed a so-called stay-behind network operating

behind enemy lines, strengthening and setting up local resistance movements in

enemy-held territory, evacuating shot-down pilots and sabotaging the supply lines

and production centres of the occupation forces with explosives. Yet the

Soviet invasion never came. The real and present danger in the eyes of the secret

war strategists in Washington and London were the at-times numerically strong

Communist parties in the democracies of Western Europe. Hence the network in

the total absence of a Soviet invasion took up arms in numerous countries and

fought a secret war against the political forces of the left. The secret armies, as the

secondary sources now available suggest, were involved in a whole series of terrorist

operations and human rights violations that they wrongly blamed on the Communists

in order to discredit the left at the polls. The operations always aimed at spreading

maximum fear among the population and ranged from bomb massacres in trains

and market squares (Italy), the use of systematic torture of opponents of the

regime (Turkey), the support for right-wing coup d'etats (Greece and Turkey), to

the smashing of opposition groups (Portugal and Spain). As the secret armies were

discovered, NATO as well as the governments of the United States and Great

Britain refused to take a stand on what by then was alleged by the press to be 'the

best-kept, and most damaging, political-military secret since World War II'.2

2

1

A TERRORIST ATTACK IN ITALY

In a forest near the Italian village Peteano a car bomb exploded on May 31, 1972.

The bomb gravely wounded one and killed three members of the Carabinieri,

Italy's paramilitary police force. The Carabinieri had been lured to the spot by an

anonymous phone call. Inspecting the abandoned Fiat 500, one of the Carabinieri had

opened the hood of the car that triggered the bomb. An anonymous call to the

police two days later implicated the Red Brigades, a Communist terrorist group

attempting to change the balance of power in Italy at the time through hostagetakings

and cold-blooded assassinations of exponents of the state. The police

immediately cracked down on the Italian left and rounded up some 200 Communists.

For more than a decade the Italian population believed that the Red Brigades had

committed the Peteano terrorist attack.

Then, in 1984, young Italian Judge Felice Casson reopened the long dormant case

after having discovered with surprise an entire series of blunders and fabrications

surrounding the Peteano atrocity. Judge Casson found that there had been no

police investigation on the scene. He also discovered that the report which at the

time claimed that the explosive used in Peteano had been the one traditionally

used by the Red Brigades was a forgery. Marco Morin, an expert for explosives

of the Italian police, had deliberately provided fake expertise. He was a member of

the Italian right-wing organisation 'Ordine Nuovo' and within the Cold War

context contributed his part to what he thought was a legitimate way of combating

the influence of the Italian Communists. Judge Casson was able to prove that the

explosive used in Peteano contrary to Morin's expertise was C4, the most powerful

explosive available at the time, used also by NATO. 'I wanted that new light

should be shed on these years of lies and mysteries, that's all', Casson years later

told journalists in his tiny office in an eighteenth-century courthouse on the banks

of Venice's lagoon. 'I wanted that Italy should for once know the truth.'1

On February 24, 1972, a group of Carabinieri had by chance discovered an

underground arms cache near Trieste containing arms, munitions and C4 explosive

identical to the one used in Peteano. The Carabinieri believed that they had

unveiled the arsenal of a criminal network. Years later, the investigation of Judge

Casson was able to reconstruct that they had stumbled across one of more than

hundred underground arsenals of the NATO-linked stay-behind secret army that

3

in Italy was code-named Gladio, the sword. Casso found that the Italian mililary

secret service and the government at the time had gone to great lengths in order to

keep the Trieste discovery and above all its larger strategic context a secret.

As Casson continued to investigate the mysterious cases of Peteano and Trieste,

he discovered with surprise that not the Italian left but Italian right-wing groups and

the military secret service had been involved in the Peteano terror. Casson's

investigation revealed that the right-wing organisation Ordine Nuovo had

collaborated very closely with the Italian Military Secret Service, SID (Servizio

Informazioni Difesa). Together they had engineered the Peteano terror and then

wrongly blamed the militant extreme Italian left, the Red Brigades. Judge Casson

identified Ordine Nuovo member Vincenzo Vinciguerra as the man who had

planted the Peteano bomb. Being the last man in a long chain of command,

Vinciguerra was arrested years after the crime. He confessed and testified that he

had been covered by an entire network of sympathisers in Italy and abroad who

had ensured that after the attack he could escape. 'A whole mechanism came into

action', Vinciguerra recalled, 'that is, the Carabinieri, the Minister of the Interior, the

customs services and the military and civilian intelligence services accepted

the ideological reasoning behind the attack'.2

Vinciguerra was right to point out that the Peteano terror had occurred during a

particularly agitated historical period. With the beginning of the flower power

revolution, the mass student protests against violence in general and the war in

Vietnam in particular, the ideological battle between the political left and the

political right had intensified in Western Europe and the United States in the late

1960s. The vast majority of people engaged in the left-wing social movements

relied on non-violent forms of protest including demonstrations, civil disobedience

and above all heated debates. In the Italian parliament the strong Communist Party

(Partito Communisto Italiano, PCI), and to a lesser degree the Italian Socialist

Party (Partito Socialisto Italiano, PSI), sympathised with the movement. They

criticised the United States, the Vietnam War and above all the distribution of

power in Italy, for despite their numerical strength in parliament the PCI was not

assigned ministerial positions and hence was deliberately kept outside the

government. Also the Italian right knew that this was a blatant discrimination and

a violation of basic democratic principles.

It was in this Cold War context and the battle for power in Western Europe that

the extreme left and the extreme right resorted to terror. On the extreme left the

Italian Communist Red Brigades and Germany's Rote Armee Fraktion (RAF)

were the two most prominent terrorist groups in Western Europe. Founded by

students of the University of Trento with little to no military training, the Red

Brigades included Margherita Cagol, Alberto Franceschini and Alberto Curcio.

Like the RAF, they were convinced that violence had to be employed in order to

change the existing power structure that they perceived as unjust and corrupt.

Like the RAF the terror of the Red Brigades did not attack mass gatherings of the

population, but very selectively targeted individuals whom they thought represented

the 'state apparatus', such as bankers, generals and ministers whom they

4

kidnapped and often assassinated. Operating above all in the 1970s the death toll

of the Red Brigades in Italy reached 75 people. Then, due to their limited military

and strategic skills and experience they were rounded up, arrested, tried and

imprisoned.

On the other side of the Cold War spectrum also the extreme right resorted to

violence. In Italy the network included secret Gladio soldiers, the military secret

services and fascist organisations such as Ordine Nuovo. Contrary to the terror of

the left, the terror of the right aimed to strike fear to the bones of the entire society

and hence secretly planted its bombs among the population to kill large numbers

indiscriminately in order to wrongly blame the Communists. The Peteano terror, as

judge Casson found, belonged to this sort of crime and continued a sequence that

had started in 1969. In that year, shortly before Christmas four bombs had

exploded in public places in Rome and Milan. The bombs killed 16 and maimed

and wounded 80, most of which were farmers who after a day on the market had

deposited their modest earnings in the Farmer's Bank on the Piazza Fontana in

Milan. According to an evil strategy the terror was wrongly blamed on the Communists

and the extreme left, traces were covered up and arrests followed immediately.

The population at large had little chances to find out the truth, as the

military secret service went to great lengths to cover up the crime. In Milan one of

the deadly bombs had not gone off due to timer failure, but in an immediate cover-up

the bomb was destroyed on the scene by the secret service, while parts of a bomb

were planted in the villa of well-known leftist editor Giangiacomo Feltrinelli.3

'The official figures say that alone in the period between January 1, 1969 and

December 31, 1987, there have been in Italy 14591 acts of violence with a political

motivation', Italian Senator Giovanni Pellegrino, president of Italy's parliamentary

commission investigating Gladio and the massacres, recalled the very violent period

of Italy's most recent history. Tt is maybe worth remembering that these "acts"

have left behind 491 dead and 1181 injured and maimed. Figures of a war, with

no parallel in any other European country.'4 Following the Piazza Fontana

massacre of 1969 and the Peteano terrorist attack of 1972, prominent massacres

in Italy included a bomb which on May 28,1974 exploded in Brescia in the midst

of an anti-Fascist demonstration, killing eight and injuring and maiming 102.

On August 4, 1974 another bomb exploded on the Rome-to-Munich train Ttalicus

Express', killing 12 and injuring and maiming 48. The atrocities culminated on

a sunny afternoon during the Italian national holiday when on August 2, 1980 a

massive explosion ripped through the waiting room of the second class at the

Bologna railway station, killing 85 people in the blast and seriously injuring and

maiming a further 200. The Bologna massacre ever since ranges amongst the

largest terrorist onslaughts that Europe had seen in the twentieth century.

Contrary to the Red Brigades who ended up in jail, the terrorists of the right

mysteriously escaped after each massacre because, as Vinciguerra correctly pointed

out, the security apparatus of the Italian state and the military secret services

protected them. As the Piazza Fontana terror was years later traced back to

the Italian right, Ordine Nuovo member Franco Freda was questioned whether

5

in retrospect he feels that powerful people higher up in the hierarchy including

Generals and Ministers had manipulated him. Freda, a declared admirer of Hitler

who had published 'Mein Kampf' in Italian in his own small publishing house,

replied that according to his understanding nobody can escape manipulation:

'The life of every one is manipulated by those with more power', right-wing

terrorist Freda declared. 'In my case I accept that I have been a puppet in the

hands of ideas, but not in the hands of men from the secret services here [in Italy]

or abroad. That is to say that I have voluntarily fought my own war, following the

strategic design that came from my own ideas. That is all.'5

In March 2001 General Giandelio Maletti, former head of Italian counterintelligence,

suggested that next to the Gladio secret army, the Italian secret service

and a group of Italian right-wing terrorists, the massacres which had discredited

the Italian Communists had also been supported by the White House in Washington

and the US secret service CIA. At a trial of right-wing extremists accused to

have been involved in the Piazza Fontana massacre, Maletti testified: 'The CIA,

following the directives of its government, wanted to create an Italian nationalism

capable of halting what it saw as a slide to the left, and, for this purpose, it may

have made use of right-wing terrorism.' 'The impression was that the Americans

would do anything to stop Italy from sliding to the left', the General explained

and added: 'Don't forget that Nixon was in charge and Nixon was a strange man,

a very intelligent politician, but a man of rather unorthodox initiatives.' In retrospect

the 79-year-old Maletti offered criticism and regret: 'Italy has been dealt with as

a sort of protectorate' of the United States. 'I am ashamed to think that we are

still subject to special supervision.'6

Already in the 1970s and 1980s the Italian parliament, within which the

Communist and Socialist parties controlled a large share of the power, had become

increasingly alarmed by the fact that a seemingly endless chain of mysterious

massacres shocked the country without that the terrorists nor the people behind

them could be identified. Although rumours among the Italian left already at the

time had it that the mysterious acts of violence represented a form of undeclared

secret warfare of the United States against the Italian Communists, the far-fetched

theory could not be proven. Then, in 1988 the Italian Senate established a special

investigative parliamentary commission presided by Senator Libera Gualtieri

under the telling name of 'Parliamentary Commission of the Italian Senate for the

Investigation of terrorism in Italy and the reasons why the individuals responsible for

the massacres could not be identified: Terrorism, the massacres and the politicalhistorical

contest.'7 The work of the parliamentary investigation proved to be

extremely difficult. Witnesses withheld testimony. Documents were destroyed.

And the commission itself, made up of the competing political parties from the

Italian left and the Italian right, was split on what exactly the historical truth in Italy

was, and disagreed on how many of its sensitive findings should be presented to

the public.

Judge Casson, meanwhile from the testimonies of Peteano terrorist Vincenzo

Vinciguerra and the documents he had discovered, started to understand the

6

complex secret military strategy that had been employed. He gradually started to

understand that he was dealing not with private, but with state terrorism, paid by tax

money. Under the name 'strategy of tension' the massacres limed to create tension

among the entire population. The right-wing extremists and their supporters

within NATO feared that the Italian Communists would become too powerful

and hence in an attempt to 'destabilise in order to stabilise' the secret right-wing

soldiers linked to the Gladio armies carried out massacres, which they blamed

on the left. 'As far as the secret services are concerned the Peteano attack is part

of what has been called "the strategy of tension'", Judge Casson explained the

strategy to non-experts in a BBC documentation on Gladio. "That's to say, to create

tension within the country to promote conservative, reactionary social and political

tendencies. While this strategy was being implemented, it was necessary to

protect those behind it because evidence implicating them was being discovered.

Witnesses withheld information to cover right-wing extremists.'8 Right-wing

terrorist Vinciguerra, who like others with contacts to the Gladio branch of the

Italian military secret service, had been killed for his political conviction, related:

'You had to attack civilians, the people, women, children, innocent people,

unknown people far removed from any political game. The reason was quite

simple. They were supposed to force these people, the Italian public, to turn to

the State to ask for greater security. This is the political logic that lies behind all

the massacres and the bombings which remain unpunished, because the State

cannot convict itself or declare itself responsible for what happened.'9

The monstrosity of the diabolic plan was only slowly being uncovered, and still

today a great number of missing links remain and above all original documents

are lacking. 'With the massacre of Peteano, and with all those that have followed',

Vinciguerra explained on trial in 1984, 'the knowledge should by now be clear

that there existed a real live structure, occult and hidden, with the capacity of giving a

strategic direction to the outrages'. The structure, he said, 'lies within the state

itself. There exists in Italy a secret force parallel to the armed forces, composed

of civilians and military men, in an anti-Soviet capacity that is, to organise a

resistance on Italian soil against a Russian army'. Without giving the code name

this testimony revealed the NATO-linked Gladio secret stay-behind army. It is,

Vinciguerra explained, 'a secret organisation, a super-organisation with a network of

communications, arms and explosives, and men trained to use them'. Vinciguerra

disclosed that this 'super-organisation which, lacking a Soviet military invasion

which might not happen, took up the task, on NATO's behalf, of preventing a slip

to the left in the political balance of the country. This they did, with the assistance

of the official secret services and the political and military forces.'10

More than two decades have passed since right-wing terrorist Vinciguerra had

offered this far-reaching testimony, which for the first time in Italy's history linked

both the Gladio stay-behind and NATO directly to the terrorist massacres that the

country had suffered from. Only now, years later, does a larger research public

understand what Vinciguerra actually meant, as the existence of the secret staybehind

network has been confirmed and the arms and explosives had been dug up.

7

Is Vinciguerra thus a credible source? The events following the trial suggest that

he is. The secret army was discovered in 1990. And in what amounted to an indirect

confirmation that the right-wing terrorist had revealed the truth, Vinciguerra

immediately lost all higher protection he had enjoyed dining the previous years.

In marked contrast to other right-wing terrorists that had collaborated with the

Italian military secret service and walked free, Vinciguerra after his revelations

was sentenced for life and imprisoned.

But Vinciguerra had not been the first to draw the link between Gladio, NATO

and the massacres, he had not been the first to reveal the Gladio conspiracy in

Italy. In 1974 the Italian investigating judge Giovanni Tamburino in the course of

his investigation into right-wing terrorism in Italy had taken the unprecedented step

of arresting General Vito Miceli, the chief of the Italian military secret service

SID on the charge of 'promoting, setting up, and organising, together with others,

a secret association of military and civilians aimed at provoking an armed insurrection

to bring about an illegal change in the constitution of the state and the

form of government'.11

Miceli, previously responsible for the NATO Security Office, on trial on

November 17, 1974 furiously revealed the existence of the Gladio army hidden as

a special branch of the military secret service SID: 'A Super SID on my orders?

Of course! But I have not organised it myself to make a coup d'etat. This was the

United States and NATO who asked me to do it!'12 With his excellent transatlantic

contacts Miceli got off lightly. He was released on bail and spent six months in a

military hospital. Forced by the investigations of Judge Casson, Prime Minister

Andreotti 16 years later exposed the Gladio secret in front of the Italian parliament.

This angered Miceli greatly. Shortly before his death in October 1990 he shouted:

'I have gone to prison because I did not want to reveal the existence of this super

secret organisation. And now Andreotti comes along and tells it to Parliament!'13

In prison Peteano bomber Vinciguerra explained to judge Casson that not only

Ordine Nuovo but also other prominent Italian right-wing organisations such as

Avanguardia Nazionale had cooperated with the military secret service and the

Gladio secret army to weaken the political left in Italy: 'The terrorist line was

followed by camouflaged people, people belonging to the security apparatus, or

those linked to the state apparatus through rapport or collaboration. I say that every

single outrage that followed from 1969 fitted into a single organised matrix.'

Right-wing terrorist and Ordine Nuovo member Vinciguerra explained that he and

his fellow right-wing extremists had been recruited to cooperate with the Gladio

secret army to carry out the most bloody operations: 'Avanguardia Nazionale, like

Ordine Nuovo, were being mobilised into the battle as part of an anti-Communist

strategy originating not with organisations deviant from the institutions of power,

but from the state itself, and specifically from within the ambit of the state's

relations within the Atlantic Alliance.'14

Judge Casson was alarmed at what he had found. In an attempt to eradicate this

rotten core of the state he followed the traces of the mysterious Gladio underground

army which had manipulated I tal ian politics during the Cold War and in

8

January 1990 requested permission from the highest Italian authorities to

extend his research to the archives of the Italian military secret service Servizio

informazioni sicurezza Militare (SISMI), until 1971 known as SID. In July 1990,

Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti consented and allowed Judge Casson to

research in the archives of Palazzo Braschi, the headquarters of SISMI in Rome.

It was inside Palazzo Braschi where Casson discovered the documents, which

proved for the first time that a secret army code-named Gladio existed in Italy as

a sub-branch of the military secret service with the task to carry out unorthodox

warfare. Moreover Casson found documents that connected both the biggest military

alliance of the world, NATO, and the world's only remaining superpower,

the United States, to Gladio, subversion, and right-wing terrorists in Italy and

also other countries in Western Europe. This knowledge meant that Casson for

some time was in serious danger, of which he was aware, for Italian judges with too

much knowledge had been shot in the streets of Italy before: 'From July until October

1990 I was the only one who knew something [about operation Gladio], this

could have been unfortunate for me.'15

As Casson survived, the knot unravelled. Based on the documents he had discovered,

Casson contacted the parliamentarian commission, which under Senator

Libero Gualtieri was investigating the massacres and terrorism. Gualtieri and his

fellow Senators were greatly worried by the findings which Casson had made and

agreed that the investigation into the Gladio secret army had to be included in the

work of the commission, for it represented the key to both the massacres and the

reasons why they had remained mysterious for so many years. On August 2, 1990

the Senators ordered the head of the Italian executive, Prime Minister Giulio

Andreotti, 'to inform the parliament within sixty days with respect to the existence,

characteristics and purpose of a parallel and occult structure which is said to have

operated within our secret service of the military with the aim to condition the

political life of the country'.16

The next day, on August 3, 1990, Prime Minister Andreotti took a stand in front

of the parliamentary commission and for the first time in Italy's post-war history

confirmed as acting member of the Italian government that a NATO-linked secret

security structure had existed in the country. Andreotti assured the Senators that

he would present a written report to the parliamentary commission on the secret

security structure within 60 days: T will present to the Commission a very precise

report which I have asked the Defence Department to prepare. It is about the

activities based on NATO planning that have been started for the eventuality of

an attack and occupation of Italy or parts of Italy. As far as I have been informed

by the secret services such activities have continued until 1972. After that it was

decided that they were no longer necessary. I will provide the Commission with

all the necessary documentation, be it on the problem in general, be it on the specific

findings made by judge Casson in the context of his investigations into the Peteano

massacre.'17

Aged 71 at the time of his Gladio testimony, Giulio Andreotti, is not a regular

source by any standards. At the time of his testimony he looked back on a lifelong

9

political career with probably no parallels in any country of Western Europe. As

the leading representative of the conservative Christian Democratic Party

(Democrazia Cristiana Italiana, DCI), which had functioned as a bulwark against

the PCI during the entire Cold War, Andreotti had enjoyed the support of the

United States. He personally knew all US presidents, and by many within and

outside Italy was considered to be the most powerful politician of Italy's First

Republic (1945-1993).

Although the governments in Italy's fragile First Republic had changed in

short intervals Andreotti throughout the Cold War had cunningly managed to

remain in power in numerous coalitions and had thus established himself as the

dominant presence in the Italian government residence at Palazzo Chigi in Rome.

Born in Rome in 1919, Andreotti became Minister of the Interior at the age of 35,

and thereafter established an unprecedented record by holding the office of Prime

Minister seven times, and serving furthermore 21 times as Minister, of which

six times as Foreign Minister. His admirers compared him with Julius Cesar and

called him 'divine Giulio', while his critics have accused him of being the quintessential

back-room wheeler-dealer and nicknamed him 'the uncle'. Allegedly

Andreotti's favourite gangster movie was 'Good fellows' for Robert De Niro's

line 'never rat on your friends and always keep your mouth shut'. Most agreed

that it was part of Andreotti's strategy which had allowed divine Giulio to survive

a large number of Italy's intrigues and crimes, many of which he was directly

involved in.18

By exposing Operation Gladio and the secret armies of NATO 'the uncle' had

broken his silence. As the First Republic collapsed with the end of the Cold War,

powerful Andreotti, then an old man, was dragged in front of numerous courts in

Italy which accused him of having manipulated the political institutions, of having

cooperated with the mafia and of having given secret orders according to

which opponents were assassinated. 'The Justice system has gone crazy', acting

Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi shouted when in November 2002 the

appeals court in Perugia sentenced Andreotti for 24 years in prison. As the judges

received death threats and were put under police protection, the television channels

interrupted their broadcasting on the Italian football league to report that Andreotti

had been found guilty for having given Mafia boss Gaetano Badalamenti the

order to kill investigative journalist Mino Pecorelli in 1979 in order to cover up

the truth on the assassination of Aldo Moro, the chairman of the DO. The Catholic

Church attempted to save the reputation of divine Giulio when Cardinal Fiorenzo

Angelini, upon learning the shattering news, declared: 'Also Jesus Christ was

crucified before his resurrection.' Yet despite all the alarm Andreotti did not end

up behind prison bars as the verdicts were overruled in October 2003 and 'the

uncle' walked free.

During the first Gladio revelations in front of the Italian Senators on August 3,

1990 'the uncle' had with reference to the secret stay-behind army cunningly claimed

that 'such activities have continued until 1972' in order to limit the personal damage

which loomed. For in 1974 as acting Defence Minister Andreotti had gone on the

10

record stating to a judicial inquiry investigating right-wing massacres: 'I can say

that the head of the secret services has repeatedly and unequivocally excluded the

existence of a hidden organisation of any type or size.'19 In 1978 he made a similar

testimony in front of judges investigating a right-wing bombing in Milan.

When the Italian press revealed that the secret Gladio army, far from having

been closed down in 1972 was still active Andreotti's lie collapsed. Thereafter in

August and September 1990, like seldom before during his time in office, Andreotti

very actively transferred international messages, searched contacts and had meetings

with numerous ambassadors.20 As international support was not forthcoming, the

Prime Minister, fearing for his power, went into the offensive and attempted to

highlight the responsibility of the White House in the United States and numerous

other governments in Western Europe who had all not only conspired in the

secret war against the Communists but actively participated in it. In order to draw

attention to the involvement of foreign nations, Andreotti employed an effective

but somewhat awkward strategy. On October 18, 1990 he sent his messenger to walk

in a great hurry the few steps from the government residence at Palazzo Chigi in

Rome to Piazza San Macuto where the parliamentary commission resided. The

messenger delivered Andreotti's report entitled 'The so called "Parallel SID" -

The Gladio Case' to the secretary at the reception of Palazzo Chigi. A member of the

parliamentary commission, Senator Roberto Ciciomessere, heard by coincidence that

Andreotti's report had arrived and passed by the secretary at Palazzo Chigi. Upon

looking through the text the Senator was mightily surprised, for in it Andreotti

provided not only a brief description of operation Gladio, but contrary to his

August 3 statement admitted also that the occult Gladio organisation was still active.

Senator Ciciomessere asked for a photocopy, yet this was denied, as according

to standing procedures, first the President of the commission, Senator Gualtieri, was

to read the report. Yet Gualtieri never got to read this first version of Andreotti's

report on operation Gladio. For exactly when Gualtieri was about to put the sensitive

document into his briefcase three days later to take it home and read it over the

weekend the telephone rang, and on the phone was the Prime Minister himself

who told the Senator that he immediately needed his report back 'because a few

passages need reworking'. Gualtieri was annoyed but assented reluctantly and

sent the document back to Andreotti's Palazzo Chigi after photocopies had been

made.21 The unusual manoeuvres of Giulio Andreotti sent a roar through Italy

and heightened the attention. The newspapers headlined 'Operation Giulio' in a

word play on 'Operation Gladio' and between 50,000 and 400,000 annoyed,

scared and angry people organised by the PCI marched through central Rome in

one of the biggest demonstrations in the capital for years chanting and carrying

banners: 'We want truth.' Some marchers dressed up as Gladiators. While PCI

leader Achille Occhetto told the crowd in the central Piazza del Popolo that this

march will force the government to reveal the dark secrets long held back: 'We

are here to obtain truth and transparency.'22

On October 24 Senator Gualtieri had Andreotti's report on the 'Parallel SID'

back in his hands. Shortened by two pages this final version was now only ten

11

pages long. Senator Gualtieri compared it with the photocopies made of the first

version and immediately noted that sensitive parts especially on the international

connection and similar secret organisations in other countries had been cut out.

Furthermore the secret parallel organisation, which before had been spoken of in

the present tense implying continuous existence, was now spoken of in the past

tense. The awkward strategy of Andreotti to send in a document, withdraw and

amend it, only to provide it anew, could thus hide nothing. Observers agreed that

the manoeuvre necessarily drew attention exactly to the amended parts, hence the

international dimension of the affair, in order to take away some weight from

Andreotti's shoulders. But no international support was forthcoming.

In his final report Andreotti explained that Gladio had been conceived as a

network of clandestine resistance within NATO countries to confront an eventual

Soviet invasion. After the war the Italian military secret service Servizio di

Informazioni delle Forze Armate (SIFAR) predecessor of the SID, and the CIA had

signed 'an accord relative to the "organisation and activity of the post-occupation

clandestine network", an accord commonly referred to as Stay Behind, in which all

preceding commitments relevant to matters concerning Italy and the United States

were reconfirmed'. The cooperation between the CIA and the Italian military

secret service, as Andreotti explained in the document, was supervised and

coordinated by secret non-orthodox warfare centres of NATO: 'Once the clandestine

resistance organisation was constituted, Italy was called upon to participate...in the

works of the CCP (Clandestine Planning Committee) of 1959, operating within the

ambit of SHAPE [NATO's Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe]...; in 1964

the Italian secret service also entered the ACC (Allied Clandestine Committee).'23

The secret Gladio army, as Andreotti revealed, was well armed. The equipment

provided by the CIA was buried in 139 hiding spots across the country in forests,

meadows and even under churches and cemeteries. According to the explanations

of Andreotti the Gladio caches included 'portable arms, ammunition, explosives,

hand grenades, knives and daggers, 60 mm mortars, several 57 mm recoilless rifles,

sniper rifles, radio transmitters, binoculars and various tools'.24 Andreotti's

sensational testimony did not only lead to an outcry concerning the corruption of

the government and the CIA among the press and the population, but also to a

hunt for the secret arms caches. Padre Giuciano recalls the day when the press came

to search for the hidden Gladio secrets in his church with ambiguous feelings:

'I was forewarned in the afternoon when two journalists from "Il Gazzettino"

asked me if I knew anything about arms deposits here at the church. They started

to dig right here and found two boxes right away. Then the text also said a thirty

centimetres from the window. So they came over here and dug down. One box

was kept aside by them because it contained a phosphorous bomb. They sent the

Carabinieri outside whilst two experts opened this box, another had two machine

guns in it. All the guns were new, in perfect shape. They had never been used.'25

Contrary to the testimony of right-wing terrorist Vinciguerra of the 1980s,

Andreotti stressed in his 1990 report that the Italian military secret service in general

as well as the Gladio members in particular had nothing to do with the terror that

12

Italy had suffered from. He explained that all Gladiators before their recruitment

had gone through intensive testing and were chosen based on the 'rigorous

application' of the Secret Service Art to ensure their 'scrupulous fidelity to the

values of the anti-fascist republican constitution', and to exclude anyone who held

administrative or political office. Moreover, the law required that, as Andreotti

noted, 'the preselected subjects do not have a penal record, do not partake in active

politics, nor participate in any sort of extremist movement'.26 At the same time

Andreotti stressed that the members of the network could not be questioned by

judges and that member names and further details on the secret army were classified.

The 'operation, on account of its current forms of organisation and application -

as foreseen by NATO directives and integrated into its relative planning - is to be

carried out and refined in a framework of absolute secrecy.'27

The Andreotti revelations on the 'parallel SID' shocked Italy. For many, a

secret CIA NATO army in Italy and beyond seemed hardly credible. Was such

a structure at all legal? The Italian daily La Stampa harshly commented: 'No raison

d'etat could be worth maintaining, covering up or defending a secret military

structure composed of ideologically selected members - dependent upon, or at least

under the influence of, a foreign power - that allegedly serves as an instrument of

political struggle. No definition could be given to it other than high treason and

an attack on the Constitution.'28 In the Italian Senate representatives of the Green

Party, the Communists and the Independent Leftist Party accused the government

of having used the Gladio units for domestic surveillance and acts of terror to

condition the political climate. Above all the Italian Communists Party (PCI) was

convinced that not foreign armies but they themselves had been the true target of

the Gladio armies during the entire post-war period. Commentators insisted that

'with this mysterious Parallel SID, conjured up to head off an impossible coup by

the left, we have seriously risked making a coup d'etat by the right possible...

We cannot accept that... this super SID was passed off as a military instrument

destined to operate "in case of enemy occupation". The true enemy is only and

has always been the Italian Communist party, i.e. an internal enemy.'29

Unwilling to shoulder the blame alone Prime Minister Andreotti on the very

same day that he presented his final Gladio report stepped in front of the Italian

parliament and declared: 'Each chief of government has been informed of the

existence of Gladio'.30 This caused massive embarrassment and compromised,

among others, former Socialist Prime Minister Bettino Craxi (1983-1987), former

Prime Minister Giovanni Spadolini of the Republican Party (1981-1982) who at the

time of Andreotti's revelations was President of the Senate, former Prime Minister

Arnaldo Forlani (1980-1981) who in 1990 was serving as secretary of the ruling

DCI, and above all former Prime Minister Francesco Cossiga (1978-1979) who

in 1990 was the acting Italian President. The high-ranking magistrates thus drawn

into the abyss by Andreotti reacted with confusion. Craxi claimed that he had not

been informed, until he was confronted with a document on Gladio he had signed

himself as Prime Minister. Spadolini and Forlani also suffered from general

amnesia, but later had to make smaller amendments to their statements. Spadolini to

13

the amusement of the Italian public stressed that there was a difference between

what he knew as former Defence Secretary and what he knew as former Prime

Minister.

Only Francesco Cossiga, Italian President since 1985, proudly confirmed his

part in the conspiracy. During an official visit he paid to Scotland he pointed out

that he was 'proud and happy' for his bit in setting the secret army up as junior

Defence Minister of the DCI in the 1950s.31 He declared that all Gladiators were

good patriots and testified that 'I consider it a great privilege and an act of trust

that... I was chosen for this delicate task... I have to say that I'm proud of the

fact that we have kept the secret for 45 years.'32 With his embracement of the

compromised army linked to terrorism the President upon his return to Italy

found himself in the midst of a political storm and requests across parties for his

immediate resignation or for his impeachment for high treason. Judge Casson was

audacious enough to ask head of state Cossiga to testify in front of the investigating

Senate committee. Yet the President, no longer happy, angrily refused and threatened

to close down the entire parliamentary Gladio investigation: 'I'll send the law

extending its mandate back to Parliament and, should they re-approve it, I will

have to examine the text anew to see if the conditions exist for the extreme

recourse to an absolute [Presidential] refusal to promulgate.'33 The attack was

completely without any constitutional grounds and critics started to question the

President's sanity. Cossiga stepped down from the Presidency in April 1992 three

months before his term expired.34

In a public speech in front of the Italian Senate on November 9, 1990, Andreotti

stressed once again that NATO, the United States and numerous countries in

Western Europe including Germany, Greece, Denmark and Belgium had been

involved in the stay-behind conspiracy. To prove this point, classified data was

leaked to the press and the Italian political magazine Panorama published the

entire document, 'The parallel SID - Operation Gladio' which Andreotti had handed

to the parliamentary Commission. When France tried to deny its involvement in

the international Gladio network Andreotti mercilessly declared that France as well

had secretly participated in the most recent Gladio ACC meeting which had taken

place in Brussels but a few weeks ago on October 23 and 24, 1990. Thereupon,

somewhat embarrassed, also France confirmed that it had been involved in

Gladio. The international dimension of the secret war could no longer be denied

and the military scandal swept across Western Europe. Following the geographical

zones of NATO membership it thereafter crossed the Atlantic and also reached

the United States. An Italian parliamentary commission investigating Gladio and

the Italian massacres in 2000 concluded: 'Those massacres, those bombs, those

military actions had been organised or promoted or supported by men inside Italian

state institutions and, as has been discovered more recently, by men linked to

the structures of United States intelligence.'35

14

2

A SCANDAL SHOCKS WESTERN

EUROPE

Journalists of foreign newspapers sat around in the press club in Rome in summer

1990 and lamented that their paper had absolutely no nerve for the delicate

Gladio story and its international dimension. For, the revelations of Italian Prime

Minister Giulio Andreotti on August 3 to the Italian Senators concerning the

existence of a secret NATO-linked stay-behind army across Western Europe had

come at a particularly disturbing moment. Andreotti had made his far-reaching

revelation just the day after on August 2, 1990 when Iraq's dictator Saddam

Hussein had invaded and occupied Kuwait. Newspaper editors and military

advisers in Paris, London and Washington feared that the Gladio story might

seriously damage the image of numerous Western democracies and above all

destabilise the preparations for the Second Gulf War. For on August 2, in New

York, the United States, Great Britain and France, 'alarmed by the invasion of

Kuwait', had with the consent of China and Russia in the United Nations Security

Council passed UN Security Council resolution 660, ordering 'that Iraq withdraw

immediately and unconditionally all its forces to the positions in which they were

located on 1 August 1990'.

Western and world media thereafter focused on the 'Gulf story' and reported

how the United States under President George Bush Senior in the world's largest

military operation since the Second World War led a large coalition of countries

including Germany, France, Great Britain, Belgium, Italy and the Netherlands,

who in Operation Desert Storm in January and February 1991 expelled Saddam

Hussein from Kuwait.1 Thus, quite by coincidence, the global media networks

fed the world two bizarre stories at the same time: a clean war in the Gulf and the

Gladio scandal in Europe that did not happen.2

Following the revelations of Italian Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti the

scandal transgressed the Italian border when on October 30, former Socialist

Prime Minister of Greece Andreas Papandreou confirmed to the Greek daily

Ta Nea that in 1984 he as well had discovered a secret NATO structure in Greece

very similar to the Italian Gladio which he had ordered to dissolve. Passionate

calls for a parliamentary investigation of the secret army and its suspected

15

involvement in the right-wing military coup of 1967 followed in Greece but were

defeated by the acting conservative government. Defence Minister Varvitsiotis

explained that a former Greek military attache in Washington who had worked in

NATO would look at the accusations while he promised: 'The government must

not fear anything.'3

From Greece the scandal swooped over to Germany where on November 5

Green parliamentarian Manfred Such, having learned of the scandal from the

German daily TAZ, formally requested the German government of Helmut Kohl

to comment on the suspected existence of Gladio structures in Germany. While

the German Defence Ministry contemplated a strategy how the request should be

handled about the private television channel RTL shocked the German public by

revealing in a special Gladio report that former members of Hitler's Special

Forces SS had been part of Germany's Gladio network, while also in numerous

other countries right-wing extremists had been recruited into the anti-Communist

secret army.

Tensions heightened even more when German government spokesman Hans

Klein in a confused manner thereafter publicly explained that 'the German

Gladio was not, as has been claimed, a secret commando troop or a guerrilla

unit', adding that he could not discuss details for reasons of strict secrecy.4

Klein's statements caused an outcry among opposition Social Democrats and

Green politicians who sensed a platform for the upcoming national elections.

Member of Parliament Hermann Scheer, defence expert of the German Socialist

Party (SPD), criticised that this mysterious right-wing network might well be

some sort of a 'Ku-Klux-Klan', designed more for clandestine operations against

the population and the opposition than for an unlikely Soviet invasion. Scheer

insisted that 'in order to avoid that a cover up destroys the traces' an investigation

of Gladio had to be carried out as soon as possible.5 'The affair is a case for the

national public prosecutor (Generalbundesanwalt)', Scheer explained, 'because

the existence of an armed military secret organisation outside all governmental or

parliamentary control is incompatible with the constitutional legality, and therefore

must be prosecuted according to the criminal law'.6

Socialist parliamentarian Wilfried Penner, a member of the parliamentary

control commission (PKK) of the German secret service, emphasised that he had

never heard of the secret NATO network and 'the mafiotic entanglements',

stressing 'that this mess must be dealt with publicly, in front of all eyes'.7 Also

Burkhard Hirsch, the government controller of the secret service and PKK member,

was 'extremely worried' because 'If something remains secret so long, then my life

experience tells me, that there must be something rotten about the affair.'8 Yet

the call for a full-fledged investigation suddenly evaporated amongst the German

Socialists when the acting government revealed that also Socialist Ministers, during

their time in office, had covered up the secret whereupon despite the protests of

the German Green party the affair was dealt wi th silently behind closed doors.

In Belgium in the evening of November 7, Socialist Defence Minister Guy

Coeme addressed a startled public when he confirmed that a secret NATO-linked

16

army had also existed in Belgium. With an implicit reference to the Brabant

massacres in the 1980s during which people were gunned down by mysterious

men in black in several supermarkets the Defence Minister added: ‘Furthermore

I want to know whether there exists a l i n k between the activities of this secret

network, and the wave of crime and terror which our country suffered from during

the past years.'9 Greatly disturbed, Belgian Prime Minister Wilfried Martens

confronted the flashlights of the press declaring: 'I have been Prime Minister for

11 years now, but I have been completely unaware that such a secret network existed

in our country.' The journalists noticed that the Prime Minister 'so self-confident

in other circumstances' was 'far from being relaxed'.10 Whereupon the Belgian

parliament decided to form a special committee to investigate the Belgian

stay-behind and after having closed down the network a year later presented a

valuable 250 pages strong public report.11

Most sensitively the Belgian parliamentarians discovered that the secret

NATO army was still active. They found that a secret meeting of Generals directing

the secret stay-behind armies in the numerous countries in Western Europe had

been held in the secret NATO-linked Gladio headquarters ACC as recently as

October 23 and 24, 1990. The meeting of the ACC had taken place in Brussels

under the chairmanship of General Raymond Van Calster, chief of the Belgian

military secret service SGR (Service General de Renseignement). The General was

furious when journalists followed the lead and his phone kept ringing all the time.

He first lied to the press when on November 9 he flatly denied having chaired the

international ACC meeting, claiming that Gladio was a purely Italian affair. Later

he admitted that indeed a secret network had also been erected in Belgium after

the Second World War 'to collect information in case of a Soviet invasion'.12

While he angrily insisted that there was 'no direct link with NATO', he

refused to reveal further details and at the same time emphasised: 'We have

nothing to hide.'13

In France the government of Socialist President Francois Mitterand attempted

to avoid further embarrassment when on November 9 a low key official claimed

that in France the secret army 'had long been dissolved'.14 In addition General

Constantin Melnik, chief of the French secret services from 1959 to 1962, in the

leading French daily spread the rumour that the French Gladio had 'probably

already been dissolved after Stalin's death in 1953, and certainly did not exist

anymore at the time when De Gaulle was President of France [thus after 1958]'.15

The French press sided with the government who was preparing for the war in the

Gulf and refrained from asking sensitive questions and hence 'an affair which

made front page headlines in the other daily European newspapers only got a

small note at the bottom of the page in Paris'.16

Italian Prime Minister Andreotti mercilessly shattered the French cover-up

when on November 10, 1990 he declared with some amusement that France also

had taken part in the very recent meeting of the Gladio directing body ACC in

Belgium on October 23, 1990. Somewhat embarrassed, French Defence Minister

Jean Pierre Chevenement thereafter attempted to limit the damage by claiming

17

 

that the French secret army had been completely passive. 'As far as I am aware it

never had more than a sleepers' role and a role of liason.' Asked by the radio

journalist whether France would now face similar political turmoil as Italy and

Belgium, after speculations about domestic and terrorist activities of the secret

Gladio army, the Defence Minister calmly replied: 'I don't think so'.17 Journalists

noted that the government was making every effort to prevent that the Gladio

revelations were recognised as 'a domestic monstrosity'.18

In Great Britain, spokespersons at the Defence Department declared day after

day to the inquisitive British press: 'I'm afraid we wouldn't discuss security matters',

and 'It is a security matter. We are not speaking about it', and 'We cannot

be drawn into discussing security matters.'19 As the press continued to raise the

Gladio topic day after day British Defence Secretary Tom King tried to handle

the thoroughly distressing affair with a casual joke: 'I am not sure what particular

hot potato you're chasing after. It sounds wonderfully exciting, but I'm afraid I'm

quite ignorant about it. I'm better informed about the Gulf.'20 In the context of

the preparations for Operation Desert Storm and the war against Iraq, the British

parliament did not press for a parliamentary investigation or an open parliamentary

debate but backed the government of Prime Minister John Major. And still in

summer 1992 there was no official British explanation on Gladio, leaving journalists

as Hugh O'Shaughnessy to lament that 'The silence in Whitehall and the almost

total lack of curiosity among MPs about an affair in which Britain was so

centrally involved are remarkable.'21

In the Netherlands, Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers, in office since 1982, decided

to deal with the sensitive topic by writing a letter to parliament on November 13

in which he confirmed the existence of a secret army also in the Netherlands while

stressing that there 'was never any NATO supervision over this organisation'.22

Thereafter Lubbers' and Dutch Defence Minister Relus Ter Beek briefed

Parliament's Intelligence and Security Committee behind closed doors on the

sensitive details of the Dutch Gladio. 'Successive Prime Ministers and Defence

Ministers have always preferred not to inform other members of their cabinets or

Parliament', Lubbers declared to parliament, adding that he was proud that some

30 Ministers had kept the secret. While parliamentarians criticised the inherent

danger of a secret army unknown to parliament or the population at large, it was

decided not to carry out a parliamentary investigation of the secret network, nor

to present a public report. 'I don't particularly worry that there was, and perhaps

still is, such a thing', Hans Dijkstal of the opposition Liberals said. 'What I do

have problems with is that until last night Parliament was never told.'23

In neighbouring Luxemburg, Prime Minister Jacques Santer on November 14,

1990 took a stand in front of parliament and confirmed that a secret army linked

to NATO had also existed in Luxemburg. 'The only activities of these persons,

and this is the case for the entire time period in which this network has existed,

have been limited to the training in preparation of their missions, including the

training of how to behave individually in a hostile environment, and how to

coordinate efforts with allied c o u n t r i e s ' , Santer insisted.24 The request of

18

parliamentarian Jean Huss of the Luxemburn Green Alternative Party which

asked first of all for an open debate in parliament on the issue, and in the second

place for the establishment of a parliamentary commission of inquiry into the

topic, was declined in a majority decision.

When the international press related that 'In Portugal, a Lisbon radio station

has reported that cells of the network associated with Operation Gladio were

active during the 1950s to defend the rightist dictatorship of Dr Salazar', the

government in power reacted with a flat refusal.25 Portuguese Defence Minister

Fernando Nogueira on November 16, 1990 declared that he had no knowledge of

the existence of any kind of Gladio branch in Portugal and claimed that there

existed neither in his Defence Ministry, nor in the General Staff of the Portuguese

Armed Forces 'any information whatsoever concerning the existence or activity

of any "Gladio structure" in Portugal'.26 A retired General disagreed with the claim

of the government and under the condition of being allowed to remain anonymous

confirmed to the press that a secret parallel army also existed in Portugal 'dependent

on the Defence Ministry, the Interior Ministry, and the Ministry for Colonial

Affairs'.27 In neighbouring Spain, which similar to Portugal during most of the Cold

War had been a right-wing dictatorship which fought the political opposition with

terror and torture, Alberto Oliart, Defence Minister in the early 1980s, considered

it to be 'childish' to ask whether also under dictator Franco a secret right-wing

army had existed in the country because 'here Gladio was the government'.28

In Denmark, Defence Minister Knud Enggaard due to public pressure was

forced to take a stand in front of the Danish parliament Folketing where on

November 21 he rejected the claim that 'any kind' of NATO-supported CIA

organisation had been erected in Denmark. 'Further pieces of information on

a secret service operation in case of an occupation is classified material, even

highly classified material', the Defence Minister emphasised, 'and I am therefore

prohibited from giving any further information in the Danish parliament'. Member

of Parliament Pelle Voigt, who had raised the Gladio question in parliament,

noticed that 'the Defence Minister's answer was contradictory and an indirect

confirmation of the fact that Denmark, too, had its secret network'.29 Thereafter

a discussion of the secret army took place behind closed doors in the committee of

the Danish parliament concerned with the supervision of the secret service.

When in Norway the press started to confront the government with Gladio

questions, it was provided with what arguably was the shortest comment on the

continent of a government concerning the secret army. 'What Hansen said then

still applies', Defence Ministry spokesman Erik Senstad explained in a reference

to 1978 when after the discovery of the Norwegian stay-behind Defence Minister

Rolf Hansen had admitted the existence of a secret army to the Norwegian parliament.

Rear Admiral Jan Ingebristen, who in 1985 had stepped down as head of

the Norwegian Supreme Defence Command intelligence service, amidst public

criticism insisted that it was only logical that the armies had to remain secret:

'There is nothing suspicious about it. But these are units that would stay-behind

in occupied territory and it is therefore necessary that they be kept top-secret.'30

19

In Turkey the rul ing elite took a stand on the Gladio issue on December 3

when General Dogan Beyazit, President of the Operations Department of the

Turkish military and General Kemal Yilmaz, Chief of the Turkish Special Forces

confirmed to the press the existence of a secret NATO army in Turkey directed

by the 'Special Warfare Department' with the task 'to organise resistance in the

case of a Communist occupation'.31 While the Generals stressed that the members

of the Turkish Gladio were all good 'patriots' the press and former Prime Minister

Bulent Ecevit stressed that the secret army called Counter-Guerrilla had been

repeatedly involved in torture, massacres and assassination operations as well as

the coup d'etats the country had suffered from and was presently employed to

fight the Kurdish minority in the country. Thereafter the ruling military refused to

answer questions from parliament and civil Ministers, and Turkish Defence

Minister Giray warned that 'Ecevit had better keep his fucking mouth shut!'32

As the Counter-Guerrilla continued its operations, even the US State Department

in its 1995 human rights report noticed that in Turkey 'Prominent credible human

rights organisations, Kurdish leaders, and local Kurd asserted that the government

acquiesces in, or even carries out, the murder of civilians.' The report of the

State Departement noted that 'Human rights groups reported the widespread and

credible belief that a Counter-Guerrilla group associated with the security forces

had carried out at least some "mystery killings'". In the United States, journalist

Lucy Komisar tried to gain more information but found that her government was

hardly different from the Turkish Generals when it came to military secrets. '"As

for Washington's role, Pentagon would not tell me whether it was still providing

funds or other aid to the Special Warfare Department; in fact, it wouldn't answer

any questions about it." Komisar was repeatedly turned away: "I was told by officials

variously that they knew nothing about it, that it happened too long ago for

there to be any records available, or that what I described was a CIA operation for

which they could provide no information.'" One Pentagon historian said, 'Oh,

you mean the "stay-behind" organisation. That's classified.'33

The issue of the Counter-Guerrilla, however, did not go away. On November 3,

1996 a speeding black Mercedes hit a tractor and crashed on a remote highway

near the Turkish village of Susurluk, some 100 miles south of Istanbul. A prominent

member of the Turkish Counter-Guerrilla, a top police official and a member of

parliament were killed in the crash. To many it was the physical proof of how

closely the entire government was involved in the dirty war of the Counter-Guerrilla,

and thousands protested against the 'Susurluk state' and demanded that the country

be cleansed 'from the gangs'. In January 1998 Prime Minister Mesut Ylmaz had

to inform millions of television viewers the results of a seven-month-long

parliamentary investigation into the Susurluk scandal, it is the anatomy of a disgraceful

mess', he began his statement and thereafter admitted that an 'execution

squad was firmed within the state' while 'Al l parts of the state were aware of

what was going on.'34

Given the far-reaching revelations across Western Europe, the Gladio scandal was

also discussed by the parliament of the the European Union (EU) on November 22, 1990.

At the time the EU numbered 12 countries, all of whom were affected by the

scandal.35 The 12 had gr ea t ly increased cooperation among each other and were

about to establish the common European market without borders for persons,

goods, services and capital, while security policy and defence matters in the new

organisation still rested wi thin the sovereign control of each EU member state.

'Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, there is one fundamental moral and political

necessity, in regard to the new Europe that we are progressively building' Italian

parliamentarian Falqui wisely opened the debate on that day. 'This Europe will

have no future if it is not founded on truth, on the full transparency of its institutions

in regard to the dark plots against democracy that have turned upside down

the history, even in recent times, of many European states.' Falqui insisted that

'There will be no future, ladies and gentlemen, if we do not remove the idea of

having lived in a kind of double state - one open and democratic, the other clandestine

and reactionary. That is why we want to know what and how many

"Gladio" networks there have been in recent years in the Member States of the

European Community.'36

French parliamentarian Dury shared these concerns and among the united

European delegates declared: 'What worried us in this Gladio affair was that

these networks were able to exist out of sight and beyond control of the democratic

political authorities. That, I think, is the fundamental issue which remains.'

Dury concluded that the history of the Gladio armies had to be investigated: 'For

our part, we believe that light has to be shed on this whole affair so that we can

recognise all its implications and stop the problem lingering on or occurring with

other organisations, or prevent other temptations from arising.' Also the role of

NATO, according to Dury, had to be investigated, although 'as for the responsibility

of NATO and SHAPE, I don't think one should talk about a conspiracy',

Dury said, 'but I think we must keep up this spirit of inquiry and this concern for

everything to be brought out into the open. We know very well that some people

in Gladio also sit on NATO committees' and hence he concluded: 'I feel that it is

part of our democratic duty to be able to shed proper light on all these kinds of

problems.'37

'Mr. President, the Gladio system has operated for four decades under various

names', Greek parliamentarian Ephremidis addressed the EU. 'It has operated

clandestinely, and we are entitled to attribute to it all the destabilization, all the

provocation and all the terrorism that have occurred in our countries over these

four decades, and to say that, actively or passively, it must have had an involvement.'

Ephremidis sharply criticised the entire stay-behind network: 'The fact that it

was set up by the CIA and NATO which, while purporting to defend democracy

were actually undermining it and using it for their own nefarious purposes.' With

an implicit reference to the involvement of the Greek Gladio in the 1967 coup

d'etat he criticised that 'the democracy we are supposed to have been enjoying has

been, and still is, nothing but a front', and encouraged the EU parliament to

investigate the matter further: 'The fine details must be uncovered, and we ourselves

must establish a special sub committee of inquiry to hold hearings and to blow

21

the whole thing wide open so that all the necessary steps can be taken to rid our

countries of such clandestine organisations.'38

French parliamentarian De Donnea shared a different perspective when he

declared: 'Mr. President, it was perfectly legitimate at the end of the Second

World War, for the majority of our states to set up services whose purpose was to

prepare underground resistance networks that could be activated in the event of

our countries being occupied by the forces of the Warsaw Pact.' Hence, the

French parliamentarian highlighted, 'We must therefore pay tribute to all those

who, while the cold war lasted, worked in these networks.' To De Donnea it was

clear that the clandestine armies had to remain secret, 'For these networks to

remain effective, it was obviously necessary for them to be kept secret', while at

the same time he wanted to have clarity as to alleged links to terrorist activities:

'Having said that, if there are serious indications or suspicions to the effect that

some or all of these networks have operated in an illegal or abnormal way in

certain countries, it is in everyone's interest for matters to be brought into the

open and for the guilty to be punished.'39

Dutch MP Vandemeulebroucke captured the feeling of many Europeans well

when he summarised that 'This affair leaves a bad taste in the mouth, since it has

been going on for as long as the European Community has been in existence, and

we claim to be creating a new form of democracy.' Vandemeulebroucke stressed

that it was above all the secrecy of the entire affair that greatly worried him as a

parliamentarian, for 'the budgets for these secret organisations were also kept

secret. They were not discussed in any parliament, and we wish to express our

concern at the fact that... it now emerges that there are centres for taking decisions

and carrying them out which are not subject to any form of democratic

control.' The Dutch parliamentarian concluded: 'I should like to protest most

strongly against the fact that the American military, whether through SHAPE,

NATO or the CIA, think they can interfere in what is our democratic right.'

While he acknowledged that the European Parliament itself did not have the

competence to deal with the affair, 'I realise that we in the European Parliament

have no competence regarding peace and security matters', he explained, 'and

hence the compromise resolution asks for parliamentary committees of inquiry to be

set up in each of the twelve Member States so that we do get total clarification'.40

Following the debate the parliament of the EU decided to pass a resolution on

the Gladio affair in which the parliamentarians critically reflected upon the

Gladio phenomenon and in seven points, formulated as a preamble to the resolution,

attempted to summarise the main features of the Gladio phenomenon:

1 'Having regard to the revelation by several European governments of the

existence for 40 years of a clandestine parallel intelligence and armed

operations organisation in several Member States of the Community';

2 'whereas for over 40 years this organisation has escaped all democratic

controls and has been run by the secret services of the states concerned in

collaboration with NATO';

22

3 'fearing the danger that such clandestine networks may have interfered illegally

in the internal political affairs of Member States or may still do so';

4 'whereas in certain Member States military secret services (or uncontrolled

branches thereof) were involved in serious cases of terrorism and crime as

evidenced by various judicial inquiries';

5 'whereas these organisations operated and continue to operate completely

outside the law since they arc not subject to any parliamentary control and

frequently those holding the highest government and constitutional posts are

kept in the dark as to these matters';

6 'whereas the various "GLADIO" organisations have at their disposal independent

arsenals and military resources which give them an unknown strike

potential, thereby jeopardising the democratic structures of the countries in

which they are operating or have been operating'; and

7 'greatly concerned at the existence of decision-making and operational

bodies which are not subject to any form of democratic control and are of a

completely clandestine nature at time when greater Community co-operation

in the field of security is a constant subject of discussion'.

Thereafter, as a first point of criticism following the preamble, the resolution

of the EU parliament 'Condemns the clandestine creation of manipulative and

operational networks and calls for a full investigation into the nature, structure,

aims and all other aspects of these clandestine organisations or any splinter

groups, their use for illegal interference in the internal political affairs of the

countries concerned, the problem of terrorism in Europe and the possible collusion

of the secret services of Member States or third countries.' As a second point the

EU 'Protests vigorously at the assumption by certain US military personnel at

SHAPE and in NATO of the right to encourage the establishment in Europe of a

clandestine intelligence and operation network.' As a third point the resolution 'Calls

on the governments of the Member States to dismantle all clandestine military and

paramilitary networks.' As a fourth point the EU 'Calls on the judiciaries of

the countries in which the presence of such military organisations has been

ascertained to elucidate fully their composition and modus operandi and to clarify

any action they may have taken to destabilize the democratic structures of the

Member States.' Furthermore as a fifth point the EU 'Requests all the Member

States to take the necessary measures, if necessary by establishing parliamentary

committees of inquiry, to draw up a complete list of organisations active in this field,

and at the same time to monitor their links with the respective state intelligence

services and their links, if any, with terrorist action groups and/or other illegal

practices.' As a sixth point the EU parliament addresses the EU Council of Ministers,

above all in its reunion as Defence Ministers, and 'Calls on the Council of Ministers

to provide full information on the activities of these secret intelligence and

operational services.' As a seventh point, the resolution 'Calls on its competent

committee to consider holding a hearing in order to clarify the role and impact of

the "GLADIO" organisation and any similar bodies.' Last but not least in its final

23

point the resolution explicitly addresses both NATO and the United States, as the EU

parliament 'Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Commission,

the Council, the Secretary-General of NATO, the governments of the Member

States, and the United States Government.'41

The dog barked loudly, but it did not bite. Of the eight actions requested by the

EU parliament not one was carried out satisfactorily. Only Belgium, Italy and

Switzerland investigated their secret armies with a parliamentary commission,

producing a lengthy and detailed public report. And although the resolution was

forwarded to the respective branches of the EU, NATO and to United States,

NATO Secretary-General Manfred Worner and senior US President George Bush

neither supported a detailed investigation nor offered a public explanation.

24

3

THE SILENCE OF NATO, CIA

AND MI6

At the time of the Gladio discoveries in 1990, NATO, the world's largest military

alliance, was made up of 16 nations: Belgium, Denmark, Germany, France, Greece,

the United Kingdom, Iceland, Italy, Canada, Luxemburg, Norway, Portugal,

Spain, the Netherlands, Turkey and the United States, with the latter commanding

a dominant position within the alliance. NATO reacted with confusion to the revelations

of Italian Prime Minister Andreotti and feared for its image when the secret stay-behind

armies were linked to massacres, torture, coup d'etats and other terrorist operations

in several countries of Western Europe.

After almost a month of silence on Monday November 5, 1990, NATO

categorically denied Andreotti's allegation concerning NATO's involvement in

operation Gladio and the secret armies. Senior NATO spokesman Jean Marcotta

said at SHAPE headquarters in Mons, Belgium that 'NATO has never contemplated

guerrilla war or clandestine operations; it has always concerned itself with military

affairs and the defence of Allied frontiers.'1 Then, on Tuesday November 6,

a NATO spokesman explained that NATO's denial of the previous day had been

false. The spokesman left journalists only with a short communique which said

that NATO never commented on matters of military secrecy and that Marcotta

should not have said anything at all.2 The international press protested against

the ill-advised public relations policy of the military alliance when it related with

bitterness: 'As shock followed shock across the Continent, a NATO spokesman

issued a denial: nothing was known of Gladio or stay-behind. Then a seven word

communique announced that the denial was "incorrect" and nothing more.'3

As trust in NATO diminished, the headlines ran 'Undercover NATO group

"may have had terrorist links"'.4 'Secret NATO network branded subversive:

Commission finds that Gladio, the alliance's underground arm in Italy, became

a focal point for fascist elements bent on combating the Communists by instigating

terrorist attacks to justify repressive laws.'5 'Bomb used at Bologna came from

NATO Unit.'6 A NATO diplomat, who insisted on remaining anonymous, reasoned

in front of the press: 'Since this is a secret organisation, I wouldn't expect too many

questions to be answered, even though the Cold War is over. If there were any links

to terrorist organisations, that sort of information would be buried very deep indeed.

25

If not, then what is wrong with taking precautions to organise resistance if you think the

Soviets might attack?'7

According to the Spanish press, NATO Secretary-General Manfred Worner

immediately after the public relations debacle of November 5 and 6 held a Gladio

information meeting behind closed doors on the level of NATO ambassadors on

November 7. The Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE),

directing organ of NATO's military apparatus, coordinated the actions of Gladio,

according to the revelations of Gladio Secretary-General Manfred Worner during

a reunion with the NATO ambassadors of the 16 allied nations', the Spanish press

related. 'Worner allegedly had asked for time, in order to carry out an investigation

with respect to the "no knowledge at all' statement" which NATO had issued the

previous day. 'These precisions were presented in front of the Atlantic Council

meeting on the level of ambassadors, which, according to some sources, was held

on November 7.' The highest-ranking military officer of NATO in Europe, US

General John Galvin, had confirmed that what the press was reporting was to a

large degree correct but had to remain secret. 'During this meeting behind

closed doors, the NATO Secretary General related that the questioned military

gentlemen - precisely General John Galvin, supreme commander of the Allied

forces in Europe - had indicated that SHAPE co-ordinated the Gladio operations.

From then on the official position of NATO was that they would not comment on

official secrets.'8

According to sources that wished to remain anonymous, NATO's Office of

Security allegedly was involved with operation Gladio.9 Located at NATO

headquarters in Brussels, the secretive Office of Security has been an integral

part of NATO ever since the creation of the Alliance in 1949. The NATO Office

of Security coordinates, monitors and implements NATO security policy. The

Director of Security is the Secretary-General's principal adviser on security issues

and directs the NATO Headquarters Security Service and is responsible for the

overall coordination of security within NATO. Most importantly the Director of

Security is also the Chairman of the NATO's Security Committee in which the

Heads of Security Services of member countries meet regularly to discuss matters

of espionage, terrorism, subversion and other threats including Communism in

Western Europe that might affect the Alliance.

In Germany, researcher Erich Schmidt Eenboom reported that in order to

design a counter-information strategy against the spreading Gladio revelations the

chiefs of several Western European secret services, including those of Spain,

France, Belgium, Italy, Norway, Luxemburg and Great Britain, had met several

times in late 1990.'10 Most plausibly these meetings took place within the

secretive NATO Office of Security. 'The fact that the secret Gladio structures

were coordinated by an international committee only made up of members of

the different secret services', the Portuguese daily Expresso reflected, 'leads to

another problem concerning the national sovereignty of each state'. Above all the

military secret services during the Cold War had in several countries been largely

outside any democratic control. 'Obviously various European governments have

26

not controlled their secret services,' while NATO cultivated most intimate ties

with the mili tary secret services of all member states. 'The implication is that

obviously NATO follows a doctrine of limited trust. Such a doctrine claims that

certain governments would not act sufficiently against Communists, and were thus

not worth being informed on the activities of NATO's secret army.'11

Under the headline 'Manfred Worner explains Gladio', the Portuguese press

related further details of the NATO meeting of November 7. 'German NATO

Secretary General Manfred Worner explained the function of the secret network -

which had been created in the 1950s to organise the resistance in case of a Soviet

invasion - to ambassadors of the 16 Allied NATO countries'. Behind closed doors

'Worner confirmed that the military command of the allied forces - Supreme

Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) - coordinated the activities of the

"Gladio Network", which had been erected by the secret services in various

countries of NATO, through a committee created in 1952, which presently is being

chaired by General Raymond Van Calster, Chief of the Belgium military secret

service', later revealed to be the ACC. 'The structure was erected first in Italy

before 1947, and thereafter spread to France, Belgium, United Kingdom, Holland,

Luxemburg, Denmark, Norway, Greece', the newspaper reported. The Secretary

General also said that SHAPE had issued "false information" when it had denied the

existence of such a secret network, but he refused to explain the numerous

contradictions into which the various governments had fallen, by confirming or

denying the existence of Gladio networks within their respective country.'52

The press in the midst of the scandal repeatedly asked the highest civilian official

of NATO, Secretary-General Manfred Worner, for an explanation or at least

a comment. But Worner was unavailable for interviews as the alliance never made

statements about military secrets.13 The term 'military secrets' became a focal

point of further discussions among journalists who started to search for retired

NATO officials who might be more willing to comment on the whole affair.

Joseph Luns, 79-year-old retired diplomat, who from 1971 to 1984 had served as

NATO Secretary-General, in a telephone interview from his Brussels apartment,

told reporters that he had been unaware about the secret network until he read

about it in the papers recently: T never heard anything about it even though I had

a pretty senior post in NATO.' Luns conceded however that he had been briefed

'occasionally' on covert action operations, claiming that 'it's improbable but it is

possible' that Gladio could have been set up behind his back without his

knowledge.14

"The only collective body that ever worked was NATO, and that was because

it was a military alliance and we were in charge', US President Richard Nixon

once tellingly observed.15 He was correct to point out that although NATO had

a European headquarters in Belgium, its main headquarters was located in the

Pentagon in Washington. During its entire history NATO's highest military

commander for the European territory, the SACEUR (Supreme Allied Commander

Europe), operating from his headquarters SHAPE in the Belgian town Casteau,

had always been a US General. Europeans were allowed to represent NATO with

27

the highest civilian official, the Secretary-General. But ever since US General

Eisenhower was nominated as first SAVEUR, the highest military office in Europe

was always given to US Generals.16

Retired CIA officer Thomas Polgar confirmed after the discovery of the secret

armies in Western Europe that they were coordinated by 'a sort of unconventional

warfare planning group' linked to NATO.17 This was also confirmed by the

German press, which highlighted that this secretive department of NATO had

during the entire Cold War remained under the dominance of the United States.

'The missions of the secret armies are co-ordinated by the "Special Forces Section"

in a strictly secured wing of NATO headquarters in Casteau', the German press

related. 'A grey steel door, which opens as a bank vault only through a specific

number combination, prohibits trespassing to the unauthorised. Officers of other

departments, who are invited, are checked right after the door at a dark counter. The

Special Forces Section is directed by British or American officers exclusively and most

papers in circulation carry the stamp "American Eyes Only.'"18

Given the strength of the Communist parties in several countries of Western

Europe, NATO had engaged in secret non-orthodox warfare ever since its creation in

the years following the Second World War. According to the findings of the

Belgian parliamentary investigation into Gladio, secret non-orthodox warfare even

preceded the foundation of the alliance. As of 1948, non-orthodox warfare was

coordinated by the so-called 'Clandestine Committee of the Western Union'

(CCWU). According to the press all Gladio 'nations were members of the

"Clandestine Committee of the Western Union" (CCWU) and participated regularly

in its reunions through a representative of their respective secret service. The secret

services are generally in direct contact with the S/B structures.'19

When in 1949 the North Atlantic Treaty was signed, CCWU was secretly

integrated into the new international military apparatus and as of 1951 operated

under the new label CPC. At that time European NATO headquarters were in

France and also the CPC was located in Paris. Like the CCWU before it the CPC

was concerned with the planning, preparation and direction of non-orthodox warfare

carried out by the stay-behind armies and Special Forces. Only officers with the

highest NATO security clearances were allowed to enter CPC headquarters were

under the guidance of CIA and MI6 experts the chiefs of the Western European

Secret Services met at regular intervals during the year in order to coordinate measures

of non-orthodox warfare in Western Europe.

When in 1966 French President Charles de Gaulle expelled NATO from

France, the European headquarters of the military alliance, to the great anger of the

Pentagon and US President Lyndon Johnson, had to move from Paris to Brussels.

Secretly, the CPC also moved to Belgium, as the Belgian Gladio investigation

found.20 The historical expulsion of NATO from France offered what until then

seemed to be the most far-reaching insights into the darker secrets of the military

alliance, 'The existence of secret NATO protocols committing the secret services of

the signatory countries to work to prevent Communist parties from coming to power

first emerged in 1966', covert action scholar Philip Willan relates, 'when President

2H

de Gaulle decided to pull France out of NATO's combined command structure,

denouncing the protocols as an infringement of national sovereignty.'21

While original copies of the secret anti-Communist NATO protocols remain

classified, speculations concerning their ontent have continued to increase after

the discoveries of the secret anti-Communist stay-behind armies. US journalist

Arthur Rowse in his Gladio article claims that 'A secret clause in the initial

NATO agreement in 1949 required that before a nation could join, it must have

already established a national security authority to fight Communism through

clandestine citizen cadres.'22 Italian expert on secret services and covert action,

Giuseppe de Lutiis, found that when becoming a NATO member in 1949, Italy

signed not only the Atlantic Pact, but also secret protocols which provided for the

creation of an unofficial organisation 'charged with guaranteeing Italy's internal

alignment with the Western Block by any means, even if the electorate were to

show a different inclination'.23 Also Italian Gladio researcher Mario Coglitore has

confirmed the existence of secret NATO protocols.24 A former NATO intelligence

official, who insisted on remaining unnamed, after the Gladio discoveries in 1990

went as far as to claim that the secret NATO protocols explicitly protected

right-wing extremists who were deemed useful in the fight against Communists.

US President Truman and German Chancellor Adenauer allegedly had 'signed a

secret protocol with the US on West Germany's entry into NATO in May 1955 in

which it was agreed that the West German authorities would refrain from active

legal pursuit of known right-wing extremists'.25

Italian General Paolo Inzerilli, who commanded the Italian Gladio from 1974

to 1986, stressed that the 'omnipresent United States' dominated the secret CPC

that directed the secret war. CPC according to Inzerilli had been founded 'by

order of the Supreme Commander of NATO Europe. It was the interface between

NATO's Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE) and the Secret

Services of the member states as far as the problems of non-orthodox warfare

were concerned.'26 The United States, together with their allied junior partner

Great Britain and France, dominated the CPC and within the committee

formed a so-called Executive Group. 'The meetings were on the average once or

twice a year in Brussels at CPC headquarters and the various problems on the agenda

were discussed with the 'Executive Group' and the Military', Inzerilli related.27

'Our stay-behind was co-ordinated together with the other analogous secret

European structures by the CPC, Co-ordination and Planning Committee of

SHAPE, the Supreme Headquarters of the Allied Powers in Europe', Italian General

Gerardo Serravalle revealed. The predecessor of General Inzerilli, General

Serravalle commanded the Italian Gladio from 1971 to 1974 and related that 'in

the 1970s the members of the CPC were the officers responsible for the secret

structures of Great Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Luxemburg, the Netherlands

and Italy. These representatives of the secret structures met every year in one of

the capitals.'28 Each time high-ranking officers of the CIA were present during

the meetings. 'At the stay-behind meetings representatives of the CIA were

always present', Serravalle remembered. 'They had no voting right and were from

29

the CIA headquarters of the capital in which the meeting took place.' Furthermore,

'members of the US Forces Europe Command were present, also without voting

right'.29 "The "Directive SHAPE" was the official reference, if not even the proper

Allied Stay-Behind doctrine', Serravalle explains in his book on Gladio and

stresses that the recordings of the CPC, which he had read but which remain

classified, above all 'relate to the training of Gladiators in Europe, how to

activate them from the secret headquarters in case of complete occupation of the

national territory and other technical questions as, to quote the most important

one, the unification of the different communication systems between the

stay-behind bases'.30

Next to the CPC a second secret command post functioning as a stay-behind

headquarters was erected within NATO in the early 1950s, called ACC. Like the

CPC, ACC also was directly linked to the US-controlled SACEUR. According to

the findings of the Belgian investigation into Gladio the ACC was allegedly

created in 1957 'responsible for co-ordinating the "Stay-Behind" networks in

Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Luxemburg, Holland, Norway,

United Kingdom and the United States'. During peacetime the duties of ACC

according to the Belgian Gladio report 'included elaborating the directives for the

network, developing its clandestine capability and organising bases in Britain and

the United States. In wartime, it was to plan stay-behind operations in conjunction

with SHAPE; organisers were to activate clandestine bases and organise operations

from there.'31

Italian Gladio General Inzerilli claims that 'the relations in the ACC were

completely different' from those in the CPC. 'The atmosphere was clearly more

relaxed and friendly compared to the one in the CPC.' ACC, founded by ' a specific

order from SACEUR to CPC allegedly 'became a sub branch' of the CPC'.32

Allegedly the body served above all as a forum in which Gladio know-how was

exchanged between the numerous secret services chiefs: 'The ACC was an

essentially technical Committee, a forum where information on the experiences

made were exchanged, where one spoke of the means available or the means

studied, where one exchanged information on the networks etc' Italian Gladio

commander Inzerilli recalls, 'It was of reciprocal interest. Everybody knew that if

for an operation he lacked an expert in explosives or in telecommunications or in

repression, he could without problems address another country because the

agents had been trained in the same techniques and used the same materials.'33

Most prominently the so-called Harpoon radio transmitters featured among

the material used by all ACC members. They were developed and produced

in the 1980s on the orders of NATO's Gladio centre ACC by the German firm

AEG Telefunken for a total of 130 million German Marks and replaced an older

communication system which had become obsolete. The Harpoon system was

able to send and receive encrypted radio messages over a distance of 6,000 km,

and thus connected the different stay-behinds also across the Atlantic. 'The only

material element which all stay-behind members of the ACC shared is the famous

Harpoon radio transmitter', Belgian Gladio agent Van Ussel, who himself

30

operated Harpoon stations during his active time in the 1980s, revealed in the

1990s. As he understood it, 'this system was regularly used for the transmission

of messages between the radio bases and the agents (above all during radio

exercises), but was above all destined to play a central role for the transmission

of intelligence in case of occupation'.34 There was an ACC basis in the European

States and one in the Un i t e d Kingdom from where the units in the occupied

countries could be activated and commanded. ACC manuals allegedly instructed

Gladiators on common covert action procedures, encryption and frequencyhopping

communication techniques, as well as air droppings and landings.

The presidency of ACC rotated every two years among the member nations

and in 1990 was held by Belgium. The ACC meeting of October 23 and 24 was

presided by Major General Raymond Van Calster, chief of the Belgium military

secret service SGR. General Inzerilli recalled that 'in contrast to the CPC

there was no fixed and predetermined Directorate [in the ACC]. The presidency

in the Committee was held for two years by a member rotating between all the

member states in alphabetical order', hence the ACC did not feature 'the same

predominance of the Great Powers'. Inzerilli preferred the work in the ACC to

the work in the more strongly US-dominated CPC and testified: T must say, also

after having personally had the experience of being President of the ACC for two

years, in its total it was really a non-discriminatory committee.'35

Future research into operation Gladio and the stay-behind network of NATO

must beyond any doubt focus on the transcripts and recordings of ACC and CPC.

But still years after the discovery of the top-secret network, the official response,

much like in 1990, is characterised by silence and denials. When the author during his

research in summer 2000 contacted NATO archives with the request for more

information on Gladio and specifically on ACC and CPC the military alliance replied:

'We have checked our Archives and cannot find any trace of the Committees

you have mentioned.' When the author insisted, NATO's archive section replied:

'I wish to confirm once more that the Committees you refer to have never existed

within NATO. Furthermore the organisation you refer to as "Gladio" has never

been part of the NATO military structure.'36 Thereafter the author called NATO's

Office of Security but was not allowed to either speak to the Director, nor know

his name, for that was classified. Mrs Isabelle Jacobs at the Office of Security

informed the author that it was unlikely that he would get any answers concerning

sensitive Gladio questions and advised the author to hand in Gladio questions in

writing via the embassy of his home country.

Thus the Observation Swiss Mission at NATO in Brussels forwarded the

Gladio questions of the author to NATO, with Swiss Ambassador Anton Thalmann

regretting that: 'Neither to me, nor to my staff the existence of secret NATO

committees, as mentioned in your letter, is known.'37 'What is the connection of

NATO to the Clandestine Planning Committee (CPC) and to the Allied Clandestine

Committee (ACC)? What is the role of the CPC and ACC? What is the connection of

CPC and ACC with NATO's Office of Security?', the author had inquired in

writing and on May 2, 2001 received a reply from Lee McClenny, head of NATO

31

press and media service McClenny in his letter claimed that 'Neither the Allied

Clandestine Committee nor the Clandestine Planning Committee appear in any

literature, classified or unclassified, about NATO that I have seen.' He added that

'Further, I have been unable to find anyone working here who has any knowledge

of these two committees. I do not know whether such a committee or committees

may have once existed at NATO, but neither exists at present.'38 The author

insisted and asked 'Why has NATO senior spokesman Jean Marcotta on Monday

November 5, 1990 categorically denied any connections between NATO and

Gladio, whereupon on November 7 another NATO spokesman had to declare

Marcotta's statement of two days before had been false?' to which Lee

McClenny replied: 'I am not aware of any link between NATO and "Operation

Gladio". Further, I can find no record that anyone named Jean Marcotta was ever

a spokesman for NATO.'39 And there the matter rested.

The CIA, the most powerful secret service of the world, was not more cooperative

than the world's largest military alliance when it came to the sensitive issue of

Gladio and stay-behind questions. Founded in 1947, two years before the

establishment of NATO, the main task of the CIA during the Cold War was to

combat Communism globally in covert action operations and promote the

influence of the United States. 'By covert action operations', US President Richard

Nixon once defined the tactic, T mean those activities which, although designed to

further official US programs and policies abroad, are so planned and executed

that the hand of the US Government is not apparent to unauthorised persons.'40

Historians and political analysts have ever since described in detail how the CIA

together with US Special Forces in silent and undeclared wars in Latin America

had influenced political and military developments in numerous countries,

including most prominently the overthrow of Guatemala's President Jakobo

Arbenz in 1954, the failed attempt to overthrow Cuba's Fidel Castro in the 1961

Pay of Pigs invasion, the assassination of Ernesto Che Guevara in Bolivia in

1967, the overthrow of Chile's President Salvador Allende and the installation of

dictator Augusto Pinochet in 1973, and the sponsoring of the Contras in Nicaragua

after the revolution of the Sandinistas in 1979.41

Beyond the Americans the CIA also carried out numerous covert action operations

in Asia and Africa, among which the most prominent were the overthrow of the

Mossadegh government in Iran in 1953, the support to the white South African

Police which in 1962 led to the imprisonment of Nelson Mandela, the support for

Osama Bin Laden's Al Qaida in Afghanistan after the Soviet invasion of 1979,

and the support to Communist Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot from bases inside

Cambodia following the defeat of the US in Vietnam in 1975. From a systematic

scientific perspective the covert action departement of the CIA according to the

definition of the FBI is therefore a terrorist organisation. Beacuse 'Terrorism',

according to the FBI, 'is the unlawful use of force or violence against persons or

property to intimidate or coerce a government, the civilian population, or any segment

thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives'.42

32

When in the mid-1970s the parliament of the United States realised that the

CIA as well as the Pentagon had increased their power almost beyond control and had

also abused it on numerous occassions, US Senator Frank Church wisely observed

that 'The growth of Intelligence abuses reflects a more general failure of our

basic institutions'. Senator Church at the time presided over one of three critical

investigations of the US parliament into the US secret services which in the second

half of the 1970s presented their final reports that until today remain among the

most authoritative documents on US secret warfare.43 The overall impact of the

investigation of the US Congress was however marginal and the secret services

supported by the White House continued to abuse their power as the Iran Contra

scandal in 1986 highlighted. This led historian Kathryn Olmsted at the University

of California to 'the central question': 'After starting the investigations, why did

most members of the press and Congress back away from challenging the secret

government?'

While the debate concerning the existence or non-existence of a 'secret

government' in the United States continues, the Gladio evidence shows that the CIA

and the Pentagon have repeatedly operated outside democratic control during the

Cold War, and also after the end of the Cold War remained unaccountable for their

actions. Admiral Stansfield Turner, Director of the CIA from 1977 to 1981, strictly

refused to answer questions about Gladio in a television interview in Italy in

December 1990. When the journalists insisted with respect for the victims of the

numerous massacres in Italy, the former CIA Director angrily ripped off his

microphone and shouted: 'I said, no questions about Gladio!' whereupon the

interview was over.45

Retired middle ranking CIA officers were more outspoken about the secrets of

the Cold War and illegal operations of the CIA. Among them Thomas Polgar,

who had retired in 1981 after a 30-year-long career in the CIA and in 1991 had

testified against the nomination of Robert Gates as Director of the CIA because

the later had covered up the Iran Contra scandal. When questioned about the

secret Gladio armies in Europe, Polgar explained with an implicit reference to

CPC and ACC that the stay-behind programs were coordinated by 'a sort of

unconventional warfare planning group linked to NATO'. In the secret headquarters

the chiefs of the national secret armies 'would meet every couple of months in

different capitals'. Polgar insisted that 'each national service did it with varying

degrees of intensity' while admitting that 'in Italy in the 1970s some of the

people went a little bit beyond the charter that NATO had put down'.46 Journalist

Arthur Rowse, formerly on the staff of the Washington Post, thereafter in an

essay on Gladio in Italy drew 'The lessons of Gladio': 'As long as the US public

remains ignorant of this dark chapter in US foreign relations, the agencies

responsible for it will face little pressure to correct their ways. The end of the Cold

War', Rowse observed, 'changed little in Washington. The US...still awaits a real

national debate on the means and ends and costs of our national security policies.'47

Specialising in the research on CIA covert action and the secret Cold War, the

academics of the independent non-governmental 'National Security Archive'

33

research institute at George Washington University in Washington filed a Freedom

of Information Act (FOIA) request with the CIA on April 15, 1991. According to the

FOIA law all branches of the government must be accountable to public questions

concerning the legality of their actions. Malcolm Byrne, Deputy Director of

Research at the National Security Archive, asked the CIA for all agency records

related to... The United State Government's original decision(s), probably taken

during the 1951-55 period, to sponsor, support, or collaborate with, any covert

armies, networks, or other units, established to resist a possible invasion of Western

Europe by Communist-dominated countries, or to conduct guerrilla activities in

Western European countries should they become dominated by Communist, leftist,

or Soviet-sponsored parties or regimes.' Furthermore Byrne highlighted: 'With

reference to the above, please include in your search any records relating to the

activities known as "Operation Gladio", particularly in France, Germany, or Italy.'48

Byrne correctly pointed out that 'any records obtained as a result of the request

will contribute significantly to public understanding of United States foreign

policy in the post World War II era, as well as the role of intelligence information,

analyses, and operations in United States policy-making at the time'. Yet the CIA

refused to cooperate and on June 18, 1991 replied: 'The CIA can neither confirm

nor deny the existence or non-existence of records responsive to your request.'

When Byrne appealed this refusal of the CIA to provide any Gladio information

the appeal was turned down. The CIA based its refusal to cooperate on two catch-all

exemptions to the FOIA law, which protect documents: that is, either 'properly

classified pursuant to an Executive order in the interest of national defence or

foreign policy' (exemption Bl), or 'the Director's statutory obligations to protect

from disclosure intelligence sources and methods, as well as the organisation,

functions, names, official titles, salaries or the number of personnel employed by

the Agency, in accord with the National Security Act of 1947 and the CIA Act of

1949, respectively' (Exemption B3).

When European officials attempted to challenge the secret government they

were hardly more successful. In March 1995 the Italian Senate commission

headed by Senator Giovanni Pellegrino after having investigated Gladio and the

massacres in Italy placed a FOIA request with the CIA. The Italian Senators

asked the CIA for all records relating to the Red Brigades and the Moro affair in

order to find out whether the CIA according to the Gladio domestic control task

had indeed infiltrated the Red Brigades before they killed former Italian Prime

Minister and leader of the DCI Aldo Moro in 1978. Refusing to cooperate, the

CIA raised FOIA exemptions Bl and B3 and in May 1995 declined all data and

responded that it 'can neither confirm nor deny the existence of CIA documentation

concerning your inquiry'. The Italian press stressed how 'embarrassing' this

was and headlined: 'The CIA has rejected the request to collaborate with the

Parliamentary Commission on the mysteries of the kidnapping. Moro, a state

secret for the USA.'49

The second Gladio inquiry to the CIA by European government officials came

from Austria in January 1996 after top secret CIA Gladio arms caches had been

34

discovered in the mountain meadows and forests of the neutral Alpine state. US

government officials declined that the United States could cover the costs

ar ising from the digging up and recovery of the CIA networks. 50 The Austrian

investigation of the scandal under Mi c h a e l S i k a o f t h e Interior Ministry on

November 28, 1997 presented its final report on the CIA arms caches and declared

'that there can be no absolute certainty about the arms caches and their intended

use'. Hence 'In order to reach a rigorous clarification access to the relevant

documents, especially in the United States, would he desirable.'51 Member of the

commission Oliver Rathkolb of Vienna University thus placed a FOIA request

in order to gain access to the relevant CIA documents. Yet in 1997 the CIA

Chairman Agency Release Panel declined also Rathkolb's information request

under FOIA exemptions Bl and B3, leaving the Austrians to lament that the CIA

was unaccountable for its actions.

As FOIA requests are the only method available to get hold of any CIA Gladio

documents, the author on December 14, 2000 placed a FOIA request with the

CIA, whereupon two weeks later the CIA replied to the author's request 'pertaining

to "Operation Gladio"' in an evasive manner by stating that 'The CIA can neither

confirm nor deny the existence or non-existence of records responsive to your

request.' By raising FOIA exemptions Bl and B3 the CIA Information and

Privacy Coordinator, Kathryn I. Dyer, with her letter declined all information on

operation Gladio.52 The author appealed this decision of the CIA and argued

that 'The documents that were withheld must be disclosed under the FOIA,

because the secrecy exemptions (b)(1) and (b)(3) can only reasonably refer to

CIA operations which are still secret today.' With data of his research the author

proved that this was no longer the case, and concluded: 'If you, Mrs. Dyer, raise

FOIA secrecy exemptions (b)(1) and (b)(3) in this context, you unwisely

deprive the CIA from its voice and the possibility to take a stand in a Gladio

disclosure discourse, which will take place regardless whether the CIA decides

to participate or not.'53

In February 2001 the CIA replied that 'Your appeal has been accepted and

arrangements will be made for its consideration by the appropriate members of

the Agency Release Panel. You will be advised of the determinations made.' At

the same time the CIA stressed that the Agency Release Panel deals with

appeals 'on a first-received, first-out basis', and that at 'the present time, our

workload consists of approximately 315 appeals'.54 The author's Gladio

request was thus shelved and put off. At the time of writing, almost four years

later, the CIA Agency Release Panel had still not answered the author's request

for information.

The British secret service MI6 was the third organisation - after NATO and the

CIA - to have been central to the stay-behind operation. MI6 did not take a stand

on the Gladio affair in 1990 because with a legendary obsession for secrecy its

very existence was only officially confirmed in 1994 with the passing of the

Intelligence Services Act that specified that MI6 collected foreign intelligence

and engaged in covert action operations abroad.

35

While the British executives and MI6 refused all comment, Conservative Party

member Rupert Allason, editor of the Intelligence Quarterly Magazine under the

penname Nigel West and author of several books on Britain's security services,

at the height of the Gladio scandal in November 1990 confirmed to Associated

Press in a telephone interview that 'We were heavily involved and still are...in

these networks.' West explained that the British 'certainly helped finance and

run, with the Americans' several networks and through the MI6 together with the

CIA were directly involved: 'The people who inspired it were the British and

American intelligence agencies.' West said after 1949 the stay-behind armies

were coordinated by the Command and Control Structure For Special Forces of

NATO within which also Britain's Special Air Service (SAS) Special Forces

played a strategic role.55

'Britain's role in setting up stay-behinds throughout Europe was absolutely

fundamental', the British BBC reported in its Newsnight edition with some delay

on April 4, 1991. Newsnight reader John Simpson criticised that MI6 and the British

Defence Ministry were withholding all information on the subject while 'on the

back of revelations that Gladio existed it has emerged that other European countries

had their own stay-behind armies - Belgium, France, Holland, Spain, Greece,

Turkey. Even in neutral Sweden and Switzerland there has been public debate.

And in some cases enquiries have been set up. Yet in Britain, there is nothing.

Save the customary comment of the ministry of defence that they don't discuss

matters of national security.'56 Simpson related that ever since the fall of the

Berlin Wall, the British with fascination and horror had learned of the conspiracies

and terror operations of the Stasi, the Securitate and other secret services in

Eastern Europe. 'Could our side have ever done anything comparable? Surely

not' he noted with ironical intonation and then turned the spotlight on the Western

security services: 'Yet now information has started to emerge of the alleged

misdeeds of NATO's most secret services. In Italy a parliamentary commission is

investigating the activities of a secret army set up by the state to resist a possible

Soviet invasion. The inquiry has led to the disclosure of similar secret forces

across Europe. But the Italian group, known as Gladio, is under suspicion of being

involved in a series of terrorist bombings.'57

The BBC was unable to get government officials to take a stand on the Gladio

affair, and the official confirmation that MI6 had been involved came only years

later and through a rather unusual channel: a museum. The London-based Imperial

War Museum in July 1995 opened a new permanent exhibition called 'Secret Wars'.

'What you are about to see in the exhibition has for years been part of the country's

most closely guarded secrets', the visitors were greeted at the entrance. 'It has

been made available to the public for the first time here. And most important

of all, it's the truth...Fact is more incredible and exciting than fiction.' An

inconspicuous comment in one of the windows dedicated to MI6 confirmed

that 'Among MI6's preparation for a Third World War were the creation of

"stay-behind" parties ready to operate behind enemy lines in the event of a Soviet

advance into Western Europe.' In the same window a big box full of explosives

36

carried the commentary: 'Explosives pack developed by MI6 to be hidden in

potentially hostile territory. It could remain buried for years without any deterioration

of its contents.' And next to a booklet on sabotage techniques for

'stay-behind' parties a text read: 'In the British zone of occupation in Austria,

junior Royal Marine officers were detached from normal duties to prepare supply

caches in the mountains and liaise with locally recruited agents.'58

Former MI6 officers rightly took the exhibition as a sign that they could now

speak out about the top-secret Gladio operation. A few months after the exhibition

had opened, former Royal Marine officers Giles and Preston, the only MI6 agents to

be named in the Gladio exhibition next to a photo 'in Austrian Alps 1953-1954',

confirmed to author Michael Smith that throughout the late 1940s and early

1950s the British and Americans had set up stay-behind units in Western Europe in

preparation for an expected Soviet invasion. Giles and Preston at the time were

sent to Fort Monckton near Portsmouth in England where the MI6 trained the

Gladiators together with the SAS. They were given instruction in codes, the

use of a pistol and covert operations. 'We were made to do exercises, going out

in the dead of night and pretending to blow up trains in the railway stations without

the stationmaster or the porters seeing you', Preston recalled his own training.

'We crept about and pretended to lay charges on the right part of the railway

engine with a view to blowing it up.'59

Giles remembered that they also took part in sabotage operations on British

trains that were in public service, as for instance during the exercise at the

Eastleigh Marshalling Yards: 'We laid bricks inside railway engines to simulate

plastic explosives. I remember rows and rows of steam engines all under thick

snow, standing there in clouds of vapour', Giles recalled. 'There were troops out

with dogs. The guards came past and I was actually hiding among the cylinder

blocks of these engines as they went past. We were also opening up the lubricating

tops of the axle boxes and pouring in sand. What happens is that after about fifty

miles the sand in the axle box starts to turn them red hot and they all overheat.'60

The agents were hardly bothered that the locomotives were in public use: 'That

wasn't my problem. We were playing for real', Giles explained. 'I had to do a

ten-day course in Greenwich, learning about following people in the street and

shaking off people following me', Preston recalled, 'the practicalities of being in

the intelligence world'. Then they were flown to Austria in order to recruit and

train agents, and oversaw the 'underground bunkers, filled with weapons, clothing

and supplies' of the Austrian Gladio which had been set up by 'MI6 and the

CIA'.61 When the author visited MI6 headquarters on the banks of the Thames in

London in 1999 he was not too surprised to be told that MI6 does not comment

on military secrets.

37

 

fin page 50 of pdf

 

Rahaeliitin tavoitteista kerrotaan dokumentoidusti dokumenttielokuvassa Thrive (2011). 65 Yli 70 miljoonaa katsojaa 27 kielellä. Elokuva alkaa hitaasti, mutta tulet huomaamaan, kuinka aiheet liittyvät toisiinsa:

 

Pizzagate: Kansainvälisen pedofiilirinkiskandaalin päivityksiä

Ennen kuin tutkit tätä aihetta "teollisuuden" tarjoamaa materiaalia käyttäen lue tämä sivu:

Facebook, Google, Wikipedia ja Youtube

Päivitys 21.11.2017:

Nobelin rauhanpalkinnon kandidaatti 2017 Robert David Steele:

Kirja nyt netissä ilmaiseksi:

Pedophilia & Empire: Satan, Sodomy, & The Deep State – Chapter 1: Introduction to Pedophilia – The Mental Disorder and the Child Sex Abuse Crime

Thefreethoughtproject 15.11.2017: Congresswoman: Taxpayers Have Paid MILLION to Silence Sexual Abuse Victims of Congress members Kansanedustaja: Veronmaksajien rahoista on maksettu miljoonia dollareita kansanedustajien harjoittaman seksuaalisen väkivallan uhreille

Päivitys 29.8.2017:

Hakukone jonka kautta löydät teollisuuden piilottamaa ja sensuroimaa tietoa (myös tästä) aiheesta:

http://goodgopher.com/SearchResults.asp?query=pizzagate&pr=GG

Päivitys 16.8.2017:

Pizzagate.com -sivusto on todennäköisesti hakkereiden kynsissä. Perehdy aiheeseen, niin tiedät miksi.

Yournewswire 2.7.2017: NBC: Hillary Clinton Threatened Staff Over State Dept. Pedo Ring Story Hillary uhkaili henkilökuntaansa pedofiilikohuun liittyen (jossa hän siis itse on mukana)

Yournewswire 15.8.2017: Male Prostitute Found Murdered At Home Of Clinton Aide Prostituoitu mies löytyi murhattuna Hillaryn avustajan kotoa

Oma Pizzagate-uutisointimme alkoi tästä.

Päivitys 5.8.2017:

Yournewswire3.8.2017: Justin Bieber: Pedophiles Run The ‘Evil’ Music Industry Justin Bieber: Pedofiilit pyörittävät musiikkiteollisuutta

Päivitys 17.7.2017:

Avtivistpost 16.7.2017: Child Sex Trafficking in the US is Exploding, Govt Admits They Aren’t Stopping It Lapsikauppa Yhdysvalloissa räjähtää, viranomaiset antavat sen jatkua

Päivitys 10.5.2017:

Yournewswire 30.4.2017: Former Navy SEAL: 3000 Elite Pedophiles Arrested – Media Silent

Activistpost 8.5.2017: Colossal Pedophile Ring Busted, 900 Arrests, 300 Kids Saved — Corporate Media Ignores It

Neonnettle 30.4.2017: Pedofilian on vahvistettu olevan pääsyvaatimus johtaviin asemiin yhteiskunnassa

Päivitys 19.4.2017:

Neonnettle 19.4.2017: Pedogate: Two of trey Gowd's investigators vanish amid pedophile investigation

Päivitys 15.4.2017:

Anonews 13.4.2017: Human Trafficker Admits To Killing Over 400 Children In Video Confession

The Star 12.4.2017: More than 100 UN peacekeepers ran a child sex ring in Haiti. None were ever jailed

Ilta-Sanomat 7.4.2011: Lestadiolaiset myöntävät seksuaaliset hyväksikäytöt

Päivitys 5.4.2017:

Veteran Navy Seals Launch Operation To Bust Pedophile Rings

Dr Phil canceled after exposing elite pedophile ring on tv show

Breeder Babies, Satanic Child Trafficking Exposed by Former Hollywood Insider- Jon Robberson Interview

Päivitys 2.4.2017:

Pedofiili-Podesta haluaa immuniteetin Hillaryä vastaan todistamisesta

Montanan roomalaiskatolinen seuraskunta vararikkoon pedofilia-korvausten vuoksi

John Podesta Requests Immunity For Testimony Against Hillary Clinton

Read more at: http://www.neonnettle.com/news/2014-john-podesta-requests-immunity-for-testimony-against-hillary-clinton
© Neon Nettle

Päivitys 29.3.2017:

Theeventchronicle 27.3.2017: First Democrat Official Tied To Elite Pedophile Ring Pleads Guilty (VIDEO)

Päivitys 20.3.2017:

Neonettle 19.3.2017: Bush antoi presidenttinä ollessaan potkut agenteille, jotka tutkivat Pedogatea

Neonettle 18.3.2017: Kansanedustaja lupaa saada vastuuseen eliittipedofiilit

Kaksi Clintoneita ja pedofiliaa tutkinutta tapettu:

Päivitys 19.3.2017:

Pizzagate mielenosoitus Washingtonissa 25.3.2017:

 

Päivitys 14.3.2017:

Titus Frostin Pizzagate osa 3:

Yle: Jehovan todistajat eivät muuta tuhatvuotista sääntöään, joka jättää pedofiilin ilman rangaistusta

Päivitys 2.3.2017:

Ivanka Trump: Dad Is Destroying DC Pedo Network

Watching Pizzagate Researchers Get Sandy Hooked

Päivitys 27.2.2017:

25.000 dollarin palkkio nostettiin 50.000 dollariin! Todista väitteet muun muassa Hillary Clintonin lasten hyväksikäyttöön sekaantumisesta vääriksi - Wikileaksin dokumentit tukena

Päivitys 24.2.2017:

Trump piti lehdistötilaisuuden 23.2: Ihmiskauppa kuriin ( = Pizzagate )

Koottuja uutisia aiheesta tässä

Dailymail 18.2.2017: Sir Edward Heath WAS a paedophile, says police chief: Astonishing claim is made that the former PM is guilty of vile crimes 'covered up by the Establishment' 

Päivitys 21.2.2017:

Neonettle 19.2.2017: High profile pedophiles arrested Isokenkäisiä pedofiilejä pidätetty

Yournewswire 19.2.2017: DHS Insider: CIA And Mossad Behind DC Pedo Ring Demokraattipuolueen ilmiantaja: CIA ja Mossad (Israel) Washingtonin pedofiiliringin takana

Pedogate: High-Profile Pedophiles Arrested In Latest Pizzagate Arrests

Read more at: http://www.neonnettle.com/features/738-pedogate-high-profile-pedophiles-arrested-in-latest-pizzagate-arrests
© Neon Nettle

Päivitys 16.2.2017:

Lisää Pizzagate-pedofiilien pidätyksiä? FBI pidättänyt jo poliitikkoja, ja ratsaa nyt pizzaravintoloita ja adoptiotoimistoja

Titus Frost update:

Päivitys 12.2.2017:

12.2.2017: 25.000 dollarin palkkio: Todista väitteet Hillary Clintonin lasten hyväksikäyttöön sekaantumisesta vääriksi - Wikileaksin dokumentit tukena

Davidicke 11.2.2017: Elijah Wood: Hollywood Is Run By A Powerful Elite Paedophile Ring Hollywood tähti sanoo: Hollywoodia pyörittävät vaikutusvaltaiset pedofiilit

ABC 12.2.2017: 108 arrested in Illinois in sex sting; 752 arrested across US 752 pidätetty Yhdysvalloissa poliisin "seksi-operaatiossa"

Päivitys 8.2.2017:

Yle 6.2.2017: 4 444 uhria – Australian katolisen kirkon lastenhyväksikäytön laajuus paljastui

Freethoughtproject 1.2.2017: Massive Child Sex Ring Busted in CA — 474 Arrested, 28 Children Saved

Päivitys 4.2.2017: Miksi viranomaiset eivät ole tutkineet Pizzagate -pedofiiliskandaalia?

Wikileaks twiittasi 17. tammikuuta:

https://twitter.com/wikileaks/status/821595404500430848

https://file.wikileaks.org/file/FBI-pedophile-symbols.pdf

Poikkeuksellisesti yhdysvaltalainen CBS näytti tämän (suomenkielinen tekstitys rattaasta):

Päivitys 15.1.2017:

15.1.2017: Tamperelaisen päiväkodin pedofiilijohtaja Meginness ja hänen poikansa saivat tuomion lapsipornon hallussapidosta

15.1.2017: One Hundred Children Accuse UN Peacekeepers Of Rape Sata lasta syyttää YK:n rauhanturvaajia raiskauksista

Päivitys 31.12.2016:

Linkki: Uutisia katolisten pappien lasten hyväksikäyttöön liittyen tässä (Kooste maailmalta, kymmeniä uutisia).

Washingtonexaminer 29.12.2016: California Democrats legalize child prostitution Kaliforniassa lapsiprostituutio laillista 1.1.2017 alkaen

Dailymail 8.8.2016: Poliisipäällikkö: Emme voi millään pidättää kaikkia pedofiilejä, heitä on niin monta

Päivitys 26.12.2016:

New York Times on poistanut palvelimeltaan kirjoituksensa Pedofiiliskandaalista viime kuussa Norjassa (Todennäköisesti N.Y.T. ei halua levittää tietoa aiheesta)

Suomalaisista medioista aiheesta kirjoittivat ainakin IL, IS, AL, MTV, SK, ESS, Lapin Kansa, Savon Sanomat, KSML, Kaleva, Ilkka ja Pohjalainen, joista Ilkka ja Pohjalainen ovat päättäneet poistaa artikkelin palvelimeltaan. Noilla kahdella aihetta "salailevalla" lehdellä tuntuu olevan sama omistajakin. Tutkimme aihetta.

New York Times 4.5.2014: Young Blood May Hold Key to Reversing Aging Nuori veri avain vanhentumisprosessin hidastamiselle

Päivitys 25.12.2016:

New Scientist 15.11.2016: Blood from human teens rejuvenates body and brains of old mice Teinien veri nuorentaa koehiiriä

Titus Frostin päivitysvideo Pizza-pedogate tässä.

Näyttää siltä että pedofiilien pidätykset alkavat, kun pedifiiliskandaaliin itse sekaantunut Obama ei voi ketään enää armahtaa, eli kun Trump astuu virkaan 20.1.2017

Päivitys 13.12.2016:

Wikipedia lukitsi Pizzagate-wikileaks-sivun tiedot. Sitä ei voi päivittää tai korjata! Nyt he ovat todella peloissaan, tämä aihe alkaa levitä ja kasvaa!

Päivitys 12.12.2016:

Dailymail 6.3.2016: British royalty dined on human flesh [already] 300 years ago (Brittikuningashuoneessa söivät ihmislihaa jo 300 vuotta sitten)

Former FBI Chief Exposes “Illuminati, Satanism, Pedophile Rings” (Entinen FBI-pomo paljastaa Illuminatin, saatananpalvonnan ja pedofiiliringit)

Etelä-Korean presidentti joutui eroamaan, syytteitä tulossa - harrasti muun muassa saatanan palvontaa

Iltalehti 12.12.2016: Uusikaarlepyyläisen koulun rehtori tänään käräjäoikeudessa kahdesta lapsen seksuaalisesta hyväksikäytöstä